THE TRADE-UNION MOVEMENT FACING ANARCHY AND POLICE REPRESSION The miners' protesters, disturbers of the national order and the SHIK, with jaws open against the trade-union movement. A few days ago, a group of kierëgëz[?] dressed in uniforms, but with no identifying marks, broke into the offices of the Independent Miners' Union in Krastë, exerting psychological pressure and insistently demanding the removal of its chairman. After this act, a fierce debate broke out between the workers and the representatives of order, while the intervention of local figures failed to calm the situation. According to the testimonies collected on the spot, the aim of this action was to strike at trade-union organization and to frighten the miners who had raised their voices about wages, working conditions and unsafe working conditions. Their comrades at the center expressed deep concern and warned that a dangerous climate was being created in which unions were being treated as political opponents rather than legitimate representatives of workers. Another response also denounced the silence of the institutions in the face of a series of incidents that have occurred in various cities, where participants in peaceful protests have been escorted, beaten or threatened. The trade-union movement, the response says, cannot accept either anarchy or the use of police to stifle the voice of social discontent. In conclusion, union leaders called for all cases of pressure to be investigated, constitutional rights to be respected and conditions for genuine social dialogue to be created. They emphasized that the country cannot emerge from the crisis through force, but through responsibility, law and respect for working people.

A rush of news and flames in favor of Buknori, not Shkolli Yesterday, television also reported the final council's decisions of the 8th Assembly. There were some very interesting decisions, but in certain spheres, apparently, the spirit that would have led, even if by force, to an assembly of peace was avoided. The most typical example is the decision to stop the well-known calligrapher SHKËLQIM BUKNORI in place of the SHKOLLI left there. No one understands this choice of the council except as a long-standing demonstration of bias. The other important decision is the one concerning Mrs. Vjollca Tiranë, who, according to commentators, should have been placed higher. Here too, clear influences from interest groups were noted. It is hoped that the further course of the proceedings will not deepen the divisions, but will provide more signs of mutual understanding. Political circles said that this new spirit will be tested in the coming days, when the first effects of the decisions are seen. Some delegates expressed surprise, others remained in suspense. Some called this a missed opportunity for reconciliation, others a necessary compromise[?].

MOLIKO ZEQO LEFTER OPEN PROEK[?] OOSES[?] History is a memory of the path taken and always suggests an attitude toward the future. In this sense, Professor Lefter's figure remains linked to numerous intellectual and civic efforts. He has often been mentioned in cultural and social debates, especially for the way he has managed to preserve the balance between tradition and modernity. In many cases, public opinion has seen him as a measured yet critical voice, one that does not evade the responsibilities of speech. In his writings and public interventions, his desire to open new perspectives, encourage debate and break rigid mental patterns stands out. This has often made him the object of polemics, but also a reference point for those seeking argument and clarity. If a society needs models of civilized communication, then his case appears as a special example. In this respect, the professor is not limited to an academic position, but emerges as a public figure with a strong ethical sense. This assessment is neither panegyric nor apology. It seeks only to highlight an attitude, a kind of inner consistency that has become evident in difficult times. And precisely for this reason, the openness he has embodied deserves to be read not simply as a personal trait, but as a broader lesson for our civic culture.

The Constitutional Court delays the ruling on the decision The Constitutio[?]al Court delays the issuance of the decision Tirana On 6 December 1992, for the elections to the Albanian People's Assembly, strong signals were given in the capital of a new political confrontation. These elections themselves were preceded by debates over the legitimacy of certain candidacies and were accompanied by accusations of administrative interference. As the process continued, appeals and objections were filed requesting the annulment of some results. However, the institution that was supposed to issue the final ruling did not speak with the expected speed. This long delay created considerable uncertainty and raised suspicions in public opinion. The political forces involved used the situation to reinforce their positions, while the interested parties waited for a solution that would clarify the legal path of action. In such circumstances, constitutional justice was seen as the key element for setting the standard of the rule of law. But the longer the wait lasted, the more the conviction grew that the issue was entering a dangerous zone of institutional ambiguity. From various circles, it was demanded that the decision should not be delayed any further, since every postponement could bring political and social consequences. Independent observers pointed out that in countries with consolidated institutions, such cases are handled with maximum priority in order to avoid tensions. In Tirana, meanwhile, the day of the decision was awaited as a test not only for the court, but for the credibility of the system as a whole.

Shedding light on or commenting on developments in our country, Professor Ismail Kadare notes that “the social process has historically been slower among us.” Such an observation deserves to be taken seriously, not merely as a formulation, but as a deep diagnosis of the way institutions, mindsets and public responsibilities move. The year 1992 was marked by numerous circumstances that proved the fragility of political and administrative life. Instead of unleashing creative energies and a sense of responsibility, a kind of dragging on was often seen, an inability to build stable rhythms. This created a vacuum that was filled with big words, but not always with deeds. In this sense, the “first anathema” is not simply a moral condemnation, but a naming of the disease of inaction. If we want to understand the dimension of this condition, we must accept that transition does not move with declarations alone. It requires institutions that function, an administration that takes responsibility, and citizens who do not give up in the face of disappointment. Otherwise, everyday events, however small, will continue to show that the greatest obstacle is not the lack of ideas, but the lack of will to implement them.

NATIONAL LIBRARY TIRANA

Bandits empty their guns Bandicët[?] empty guns

HOME HONOR In the town of Fier, one of the officials of the time suffered a sudden attack in his private residence. Unidentified persons entered during the night and took valuables, while neighbors said they had heard unusual movement. The police began an investigation, but so far has not given a final version of the event. Relatives demanded a full clarification of the matter and increased security in the area. 16 the threats in the 29-39 Tirana incident