7,500 heads of household who have built homes and business premises in Tirana in recent years write a letter to all deputies and the President of the Republic. Among other things, they write: “WE DEMAND THAT NOT ONLY THE PLOTS ON WHICH WE HAVE BUILT, AND WHICH CURRENTLY AND LEGALLY BELONG TO US, NOT BE TOUCHED, BUT ALSO THAT THE PLOTS AND AGRICULTURAL LAND AROUND THE CITIES REMAIN STATE PROPERTY (OR MUNICIPAL PROPERTY) AND BE MADE AVAILABLE FOR CONSTRUCTION, WHERE PERMITTED BY THE URBAN DEVELOPMENT PLAN, TO THOSE FAMILIES WHO WISH TO SOLVE THEIR OWN HOUSING PROBLEM OR WHO WISH TO BUILD A COMMERCIAL OR PUBLIC-SERVICE PREMISES. THE FORMER OWNERS OF PLOTS WITHIN THE YELLOW LINES, AS WELL AS OF LAND AROUND THE CITIES, SHOULD BE COMPENSATED IN CASH FOR THE ABOVE, OR BE GIVEN A BUILDING PLOT AND LAND IN TOURIST AREAS OR SOMEWHERE ELSE…“ THIS LETTER ALSO CONTAINS MANY SPECIFIC PROPOSALS FOR ITS PARTICULAR sections. The Democratic Party’s propaganda deliberately minimizes the social consequences of such a law, while strong reactions against the adoption of that unresearched law continue to arrive from all districts of the country. “Zëri i Popullit” invites all shopkeepers to take part in the discussion of this draft law, to influence and exert democratic pressure on the relevant state bodies and Parliament, so that a well-considered law on property is adopted, one that does not cause social unrest.

On Friday, 19 February 1993, at the request of the Socialist Party, a meeting was held between representatives of that party and the Democratic Alliance Party. The gentlemen Fatos Nano, Namik Dokle, Anastas Angjeli, and Bashkim Caka participated on behalf of the Socialist Party, while Neritan Ceka, Arben Imami, and Perikli Teta represented the Democratic Alliance Party. The meeting discussed the draft law submitted to Parliament in recent days, “On the Return and Compensation of Property to Former Owners.” Both sides expressed the view that the draft law raises for resolution one of the most acute problems in the country’s current socioeconomic developments. The two parties also agreed that the right to property must be recognized. The two sides identified differences in their respective views regarding the practical solution. At the meeting, it was emphasized that the procedure for discussing this draft law, as well as the consideration of methods and solutions, should be made known to the public in advance, and that maximum efforts should be made to achieve points of convergence among the parliamentary parties.

— Interview with Dr. Servet Pëllumbi, Deputy Chairman of the Socialist Party of Albania, by editor Hamdi Jupe — Question: Recently, some political party leaders, some press outlets, and some meetings of Socialist Party organizations have raised the idea of early parliamentary elections. Does the Socialist Party accept the concept of early elections in a democratic society? Answer: A party that bases everything on a culture of democratic principles and democratic methods and means, among which free and fair elections hold the foremost place, begins thinking about the next election campaign on the very first day after the results of the current elections have been announced. In this sense, the Socialist Party began thinking about new elections as early as 23 March 1992. Question: At a press conference, President of the Republic Sali Berisha declared that the demand for early elections is “unconstitutional and antidemocratic.” This statement has been challenged as unfounded by some political forces and some press outlets. What is your opinion of the President’s statement? Answer: The President’s statement is a typical example of partisan narrow-mindedness in considering such a serious political issue as early elections. And, regrettably, it continues the entirely undemocratic positions of other leaders of the PD, who label every criticism of it, of the government, its parliamentary group, etc.—in short, any opposition or opinion differing from theirs—as communist, unconstitutional, anti-national, antidemocratic, and so on. According to such a neoconservative mindset, the PD is supposedly equivalent to the nation, constitutionality, democracy, and reform, while the result of 22 March supposedly can never be changed and gives the PD the right to act and govern—even when doing so runs counter to the will of those who voted for it. This is precisely a lack of respect for, and disregard of, the free vote; indeed, it smells of dictatorship, not democracy. Even from a legal standpoint, the President’s statement is unfounded. There is no constitutional obstacle to early elections. Article 28, paragraph 5, of the Main Constitutional Provisions provides for and permits the dissolution of Parliament by the President and the calling of early elections. Such elections are regularly held in democratic countries. Elections are a kind of “social contract” between electoral entities and voters. And under democracy, the authority of the government also derives from the consent of the people, of those being governed, and lasts only as long as they support it and are satisfied with its program, with the fulfillment of the promises made during the election campaign, and so on. This gives elections their periodicity, makes them a kind of ongoing test, and makes the governance of the country dynamic. In this sense, it is entirely democratic for either side to seek an early termination of a “contract.” This is especially so when citizens themselves become convinced that the “contract” must be changed, that a new political choice is needed. When such a need and demand arise, they are generally accompanied by crises and social and political tensions. Therefore, early elections, as a means of finding a political solution or a better social “contract,” also serve as a kind of “pressure-release valve” for social tensions. In such a situation, opposing or fighting such demands for elections is antidemocratic. Of course, this does not mean that, just because elections are early, they should be undertaken haphazardly, without careful preparation. In such situations, political parties—whose role is to act as intermediaries between their electorate and social and state institutions—bear a very great responsibility. Question: In your opinion, what economic, political, and social factors fuel and keep alive the idea of early elections? Answer: In a period of transition such as the one we are going through, there are many factors that can keep the idea alive or even lead in practice to early elections. First and foremost are economic factors: the economic crisis. Voters think: “Let’s give the PD a try”; those who voted for it on 22 March had its promises in mind: to get the country out of the deep economic crisis and create the stability needed to open the way to development. To be fair, one year in power is not enough to achieve such an objective. However, it is enough time for the electorate to see whether the governance and management of affairs are or are not on [Continued on page 2]

— One day, those who were criminals will answer before the law — From a source close to the Durrës District Public Order Department, who asked to be identified only by the initials L. C., we learned that the people who carried out this theft at the municipality are C. P. Hoxha, S. K. Ziu, and I. B. Kopliku, from the “Naim Frashëri” secondary school in Durrës. For the first two thefts, the district investigator issued criminal summonses, and forensic experts also recorded the perpetrators’ fingerprints, which have been entered as evidence in the investigation files. In the last case, the three [unclear in source] were caught in the act by police officers, detained for several hours, admitted to the theft, and were subsequently identified; because of them, a connection with the people involved in this criminal act was also established. Reports say that the head of public order, Mr. Luan ..., after the perpetrators of the thefts were detained, made available to the police service ... having been informed of the perpetrators of the theft, he ordered that the broken doors of the municipal offices be repaired secretly during the night. Some municipal employees who know who committed the thefts, and whose personal belongings, money and foreign currency were taken from them, have asked the law-enforcement authorities for the stolen items to be returned. The source of the information said, it seems to me, that the view of police officers at the Durrës law-and-order department is that only after Mr. Bashkim Kopliku's resignation as Minister of Public Order will the thieves and those who unsuccessfully try to cover up and conceal this crime, gravely violating the laws, be held accountable before the courts. We address Mr. Azem Hajdari once again, as a DP deputy and chairman of the commission for public order, defense and SHIK, since he has shown interest in identifying the perpetrators of the theft that was taken into consideration, which with care ...

Our Television on… In a television report, accompanied by a fairly lengthy interview, the program of activities for “Enver Week” was announced. According to the interviewee, during this week, which begins on 17 February (with the interview), numerous political, artistic, and cultural activities will take place… There will even be a football match between journalists and comedians! The week began with an inauguration: the foundations were laid for the construction of the largest mosque in Albania. On this occasion, television broadcast an extensive report. Economic inaugurations—for example, laying the foundations for a new production line or factory, completing apartment buildings, or opening a school or a kindergarten building, etc.—will not take place. Those are monist activities. During this week, numerous exhumations and reburials are expected, involving ordinary people as well as important figures with patriotic ties to the fascist and Nazi occupiers. On this occasion, all television reporters are instructed not to leave any event uncovered. The essay and film for “Enver Week” will not be missing.

Our Television on… “ENVER WEEK” In a television report, also accompanied by an intervie- [text continues outside the image]

In commemoration of the day “People’s Teacher” Ndrec Ndue Gjoka fell, a memorial meeting was held in Rrëshen on 17 February, organized by the families of the People’s Heroes of the Mirdita district. Former comrades and fellow fighters of the heroes attended, from Mirdita and Shkodra, Tirana, Puka, Lezha, and Laçi, along with deputies Maqo Lakrori and Ndre Legisi, representatives of the Socialist Party, and the district Committee of War Veterans and Invalids. Representatives of other political parties and of the association of politically convicted and persecuted people had also been invited, but did not respond to the invitation. In the main discussion, Ndue Dodhba, Chairman of the Mirdita District Veterans Committee, emphasized the patriotic and democratic traditions of the people of Mirdita and their struggle for national liberation, in which the National Liberation War undoubtedly has its place. The participation of many people from Mirdita in the Pukë-Mirditë partisan unit, whose commander he was, and their later participation in other combat formations, as well as the aid they gave to partisan brigades, are the best arguments proving that the honest people of Mirdita did not serve the fascist occupiers. It was the feudal elite, the Markagjonët, who, as with every occupation, also eagerly sought to serve under the fascist occupation. After the liberation of the country, the sons of Mirdita—Bardhok Biba, Ndrec Ndue Gjoka, and dozens of others—set to work to mobilize the people toward a better life. There is no more humane act than reconciling blood feuds in Mirdita at that time, when the wounds of revenge were still unhealed and people were dying every day; there is no greater heroism than opening 50 schools under such difficult conditions; the participation of Mirdita women in the struggle for education and progress was a civilizing act. Even if these sons and daughters of Mirdita did not know the meaning of the word democracy, they were true democrats, while their killers were nothing but criminals. However much the Balli-Zogist propaganda may try to speak of “such people of this character” [?], the people know them well. The toppling of the statues of Mirdita’s Heroes is an indication of the darkening of education, of the lack of courage to bring people together (as also happened in these parts), and of jealousy toward the respect they enjoy among the people. In his speech, Prenk Vorfi informed those present about the establishment of the cultural-patriotic association “Ndrec Ndue Gjoka” and read the Ministry of Justice’s decision granting its authorization. The Initiating Committee includes prominent figures of Albanian culture such as Bedri Dedja, Mahir Domi, Hamit Beja, Musa Kraja, Rikard Larja, etc. Veteran Luan Qafëzezi, recalling the fighting at Gëziq, emphasized: [Continued on page 2]