. A police state and neo-dictatorship are taking shape - From the speech by MP Gramoz Ruçi - It is peaceful today, as one year has passed since the day the people gave us their mandate, to mobilize in the assembly to discuss a law such as today's, concerning human freedoms and rights. For this issue, an overly ceremonial meeting with students was also improvised, telling them that they love freedom. They were told this and that. They were told that Article 2 guarantees freedom and the right to express one's opinion, and that it is inviolable; but they were not told, accordingly, that because he spoke freely, Fatos Çupi, although he had been granted the right to specialize at the University of Athens on the basis of winning a competition, was ordered from above not to go to Greece to study. This well-known journalist and the first editor-in-chief of the newspaper “Rilindja Demokratike” is not allowed to go. They were not told that the newspaper and journalists of “Koha jonë” are very well known. But what can you do, many people do not recognize Nikollë Lesi by sight, nor know his name, his files, the lawsuits brought against him, or that they have no court hearing [?] and that he should return to Albania [?]. Likewise, they were not told what freedom of speech can be spoken of when lawsuits have been filed by today's government officials against quite a few newspaper editors. In no case is their voice heard on radio or television. It is true that Article 4 provides for the prohibition of forced labor, but is there any greater compulsion than the fact that today in Albania more than 55 percent of workers and specialists in various branches of the economy have been forced to remain unemployed, and therefore without bread? What are we to tell the 400,000 people without work when they ask us? Indeed, a person's freedom and security are inviolable, as provided in Article 5. But do dozens of innocent people who have been detained this year believe us parliamentarians, from the simplest citizen to those elected to state and social bodies? Is this freedom too? The presumption of innocence, or the right to appeal, is well provided for in theory. But what about in practice? President Berisha himself declares the right to punishment and the guilt of those detained in the Shkodër trial, although they had appealed the first-instance court's decision to the court of appeal. A judge declared [this?] and the right to a defense as well, but lawyers are afraid to take on Socialist clients because their licenses to practice law are revoked. So can we speak of protection for detainees when their own defenders are inviolable? [Or] unprotected? Article 14 provides for the right to compensation for property damage caused by the actions of others. Good. But what are we to tell those citizens whom Hajdin Sejdia fleeced, while we saw him off with fanfare and television cameras to guarantee and secure the life of a Swiss citizen, as if she had been given birth to by a mother, while we Albanians are left to fend for ourselves [?]. It makes you want to laugh when— What’s the point of it, when many people do not even recognize Nikollë Lesi by sight? His files, the lawsuits filed against him, and the judicial proceedings against him in Albania speak for themselves [?]. It was likewise not said there what freedom of speech could be discussed when quite a few newspaper editors have had lawsuits filed against them by today’s government officials. But the height of it is something that has not happened even in the history of the most despotic kings: the guests of His Majesty being searched in his own royal palace, right down to their socks. Journalists invited to the press conference at the presidency were allowed in, but when leaving they could do so only with their …, or were not allowed to write that “we’ll smash your heads in, if you want.” The opposition speaks, but who listens to it?

- Fatos Nano conveys his Bajram greetings - On the occasion of the traditional BM holiday, in the morning the chairman of the Socialist Party, Fatos Nano, visited the Sarandë district. At the headquarters of the regional Muslim Committee he was received by the chief mufti, Mr. Esat Izeti, to whom he conveyed holiday greetings for all Muslim believers. The chief mufti, for his part, expressed his warmest thanks for this notable visit, stressing the efforts of the Muslim Committee for the Sarandë and Delvinë districts to promote understanding and coexistence, as well as solidarity among people regardless of religious beliefs. Among other things, Fatos Nano praised this commitment, which makes a contribution on occasions such as these, and expressed his belief that Albanians would celebrate the other holidays in the same spirit of solidarity one month from now. Today, the chairman of the Socialist Party of Albania, Fatos Nano, will hold two meetings with residents of the Sarandë and Delvinë districts.

- Meeting with the electorate - On 20.3.1993, the vice-chairman of the Socialist Party, People's Assembly deputy Dr. Servet Pëllumbi, and deputy Ndre Legisi met with the electorate, with residents from the most remote areas of Mirditë, in Kaçinar. At the beginning, the head of the Kaçinar commune and other speakers presented the concerns of this area, particularly the supply and transportation of bread grain and other food products. It is inexcusable that the schedule for carrying out the supply of (Continued on page 4)

At the “Zëri i popullit” sales outlet in Pogradec, an unusual subscriber has been noticed. A healthy middle-aged man in a white overcoat watches the sale of the newspaper. Could he be some businessman aiming to monopolize distribution of a newspaper whose circulation is as large as that of all the country's newspapers combined? Or… Eventually people began to wonder why he watches who buys “Zërin e Popullit.” Naturally, he is not assigned by SHIK, which deals with the country's major security issues. He is simply a sociologist, a researcher of the political situation who takes the information where it needs to go. In any case, he has managed to single out a powerful indicator of the political climate, namely the newspaper. Nevertheless, “Zëri i Popullit” keeps increasing its circulation in Pogradec. The timid, especially those who work in the state administration, buy it “second-hand,” from the many welfare recipients in this city who have nothing to lose. SHKELQIM DEVOLLI … the major problems of society and the country. He is merely a SHKELQIM DEVOLLI

From the speech by MP Ilir Meta The fact that this draft law was brought forward as a priority and in haste by the President shows that he is aware of human-rights violations in Albania. But detached from the Constitution, this draft law has nothing to do with protecting human rights de jure, let alone realizing them in practice. While considering the content of this draft law useful for guaranteeing individual rights and freedoms, I have decided that approving it separately from the Constitution would lead to the fall of democracy. On the substance of human rights and life in relation to the democratic course being followed in this regard. Up to now, literally, Parliament itself has been responsible for approving anti-democratic laws and norms that facilitate the violation of human rights. Such as Articles 21, 24 and 25 concerning labor relations, the right to appeal before the Court for equality, etc. The laws governing work organization have also been used by the government in power against the opposition and its representation in the Assembly. In this way, deputies Haldari have been [suspended?] and are state leaders, and human rights and the representatives' freedom of movement of the opposition and the people have been affected; worst of all, perhaps, their rights [?]. I am speaking to you, gentlemen, you who six months ago stripped me of my immunity unlawfully and in a thieving manner. I am speaking to you, whom I have pursued politically without any legal evidence. I mentioned these cases to show that when Parliament itself has set the example of how an individual's rights can be violated, it is clear what the other institutions do. As for freedom of expression, thousands of people are meanwhile being thrown out onto the street for political reasons. Even the President speaks out on this when he says people should not be dismissed from work for political reasons. This belated declaration must lead to the reinstatement of all those dismissed from work for political reasons; otherwise it remains mere demagoguery. National figures such as Qosja and Agolli express themselves about democracy, and a pack of crawling reptiles rushed at them through the press and information organs with a vocabulary fit for the Stone Age, in an effort to teach them how they should speak. The right to strike is discussed, while Parliament limits the strike and the majority in Parliament [?]. Likewise, they are aware that the level at which rights are realized— (Continued on page 2)

From the speech by MP Ylli Bufi Although it is difficult not to repeat oneself in such an extensive debate, I will focus on only one important issue concerning respect for human rights in a pluralist democratic society. Although it is difficult not to repeat oneself in such an extensive debate, I will focus on only one important issue concerning respect for human rights in a pluralist democratic society, and the establishment of proper legal relations between the state, the parties and the individual. It is an undeniable fact that the bill presented is entirely in line with human-rights standards and charters. All the SP deputies have said so. The core of their criticism and concern is today’s violations of human rights. In our opinion, these violations are not rooted in the absence of the law being proposed, and therefore its mere approval is no guarantee that they will be prevented. The opposition’s adversaries are not against a law that protects human rights. In every political system, the opposition, the minority, is more interested than anyone in protecting rights; that is why it wages its struggle in the name of protecting rights. We are aware that through the … there will be problems of this nature; our government is still quite far from European standards of democracy. The problem is clearly not that there are some human-rights violations in Albania, but that most of these violations are connected with the unscrupulous partisan struggle taking place in our country. The victorious party is using state institutions to show its political opponents their place. This cannot be called a state governed by the rule of law, but a party-state. Recently, the leaders of the Democratic Party have begun to admit that some actions were carried out according to party criteria and that, in some cases, there were excesses, but they justify these as the actions of particular individuals. These unlawful actions cannot be regarded as personal actions, because state bodies are not in the hands of particular individuals; they are led and operate according to a specific policy, inspired—and, why not, supported—by the victorious party. Even if they were personal actions, that could not serve as a justification. It is then the party-state that fails to show these particular individuals, who act contrary to the law, their place. (Continued on page 2) …? They say that human rights will be established, but in practice a new class war has begun against every kind of political opponent, calling them a spy, an enemy, a traitor, just as in the days of the party-state. Precisely at a time when in Albania the police, on the orders of their superiors, baton in hand, are throwing socialist citizens out of their homes—as happened in Shkodër and is happening these days in Tirana—and when the telephones of socialist families in Shkodër, Durrës, Kukës, etc. are being disconnected by force, in violation of the most basic rights of citizens, when … (Continued on page 4)

Today at 10:00 in the morning, the residents of the city of Kavajë have made preparations to receive President Berisha himself. He is expected to go there to take part in the commemorative meeting marking the third anniversary of the first anti-communist demonstration held in this city on 26 March 1990. The city of Kavajë was the first city where revolts broke out, leading to the overthrow of the communist system and opening the way to democracy. The residents of this working-class city have twice given their votes for Mr. Berisha as a member of parliament. For this reason, and perhaps also because Mr. Berisha has not appeared before this electorate since last year’s elections of 22 March, today’s meeting may be an important event. It is said that President Berisha will also be accompanied by Prime Minister Meksi and the Chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, Mr. Pjetër Arbnori. What is unusual is that the ceremonial meeting will not be held in the city’s main square, where we have become accustomed to seeing Mr. Berisha when he leads the Democratic Party in opposition, but, as with any …, in a small hall: the cinema hall in the city of Kavajë, a modest venue with 360 seats, where special invitations have been allotted to selected participants. The grave economic and political situation will undoubtedly be at the heart of the meeting. Naturally, as on other occasions, Mr. Berisha will try to distribute messages of hope as well. If the prime minister is there, his responsibility will of course be eased, if only by offering the audience in the hall some gems. Nevertheless, one thing is certain: the residents of the city of Kavajë will not demand freedom of speech as a slogan to cover up the grave economic situation the country is going through, because they won that freedom back in March 1990, when they rose up against the dictatorship and when the current president, today’s guest, was himself a member of the monist party nomenklatura. They will demand more, but perhaps not the grand promises for their future that the Democratic Party, led by the current president, made during the election campaign, which brought it to power. After the meeting, President Berisha is expected to return to Tirana today. SHPEND BREGU

The President's legislative initiative concerning the draft law on fundamental human rights, beyond being a personal propaganda gesture, must not close off the collective opportunity of the commission with a parliamentary mandate to draft the new constitution. If this is a “challenge,” I can welcome it, but I am surprised by the complete lack of broad advance publicity and the serious absence of public debate. Thus, this parliamentary initiative adopts the pose and position of a political elite that “gives” the people their freedom as a gift. This absence of public scrutiny creates a kind of political hermeticism, in which individual “dynamism” displays “superiority” over parliamentary passivity. We had the right to hope for more from the parliamentary commission, even for the creation of a national constituent assembly to determine the constitution, which cannot be replaced by separate armed sections [?]. At the end of the century, Albania rightly cannot… invent fundamental laws sui generis, either personal or collective, because the phenomenon of European legal unification is a current issue; it is integration. Understanding this universal integration, I think there are several real problems, both in the national and international substance of the draft— (Continued on page 2)

MR. BERISHA IS EXPECTED TO GO