— Article 7 of this law states: “No one may be considered guilty until guilt has been proven by a final court judgment.” — Although no legitimate court has found citizen Fatos Nano guilty by a final judgment, the official propaganda of the leader of the Democratic Party describes him as a “common thief,” “murderer of April 2,” “criminal,” “professional thief,” etc. — The Prosecutor’s Office asked parliament to lift deputy Fatos Nano’s immunity in order to investigate abuse of office and elements of forgery of official documents, not to investigate him as a “professional thief,” “murderer,” etc. — In a letter that Tim Cooke, head of the BBC Albanian section, sent to B. Trenova, editor-in-chief of RD, it says: “...I must single out two issues in your article. In it, you state that Mr Nano is guilty of the crimes of which he has been accused. Verdicts are delivered by the court, and by prejudging the case, you may be accused of prejudicing the possibility of a fair trial...” — How long will demagoguery, slander, and state psychological and physical terror replace the rule of law in Albania? Unable to face Fatos Nano as a politician through fair political struggle and arguments, the party in power launched a brutal campaign of terror against him, with the aim of eliminating him not only as a political leader, but physically as well. The scheme of the campaign against the leader of the Albanian opposition has nothing in common with the political struggle conducted in the democratic world. First and foremost, this campaign does not recognize and flagrantly tramples of this law ... (Continued on page 3)

DRITËRO AGOLLI In pluralism there is never prolonged public calm, imposed by those who should not disturb the peace. , that is, nothing astonishes us, as the Latin saying goes. Therefore, there is no reason to be surprised or distressed by rallies, demonstrations, and strikes. When government is not going well, when unemployment is pronounced, when prices rise sharply, and when there is extreme poverty, there will inevitably be rallies and strikes. These rallies and strikes draw the government’s attention and correct its present and future actions. They show those in power the wounds in society that need to be healed. The party currently in power, if it is no longer in power, will also organize protest rallies. Therefore, let us not be surprised by the disturbance of the peace; it is the breath of pluralism. Today people are once again taking to the streets and squares with their demands. They are not workers; they are unemployed, and consequently they are out on the streets. Look at our streets! They are full of people running without knowing where they are running to. There is no need to send these people personal invitations to attend a rally. You only have to whistle once on the sidewalk and they stop running, stand around on the sidewalk, and gather. The Socialist Party does not take the people it gathers at rallies away from their jobs. Does it kill them? Does it force them to work while unemployed? Does it deceive them? Does it threaten workers with dismissal? It must be clear that three categories of the human community in this country take to the streets and squares: 1. the crowd, 2. the public, and 3. the people. At the recent rallies, the people have come out into the squares. The era of the crowd has passed. Historically, when a crowd takes to the streets, it has justice on its side only for a moment, because it is often manipulated and is unstable. Generally, in most cases, the Democratic Party had the crowd with it; as a crowd, historically, it was like the hands of a clock in a house, measuring the short time necessary for a victory. The crowd’s clock spring runs down and no longer pushes the hands forward. The spring of the clock of the party in power, wound up by the crowd, weakened completely. And the spring is in crisis? ... when the voice of a Democratic deputy was heard in the Albanian Parliament, claiming that he was proud to be a fascist. Indeed, when the great Kataliku said in parliament that he was proud to be a fascist, everything ... (Continued on page 2)

YESTERDAY AT THE TIRANA COURT: Appearing before the judicial panel: Faimir Mena, Kujtim Kola, Ermir Neziri, and a former SHIK officer whose name will not be published... - Kujtim Kola was sentenced to 30 days, Fatmir Mena to a 1000 lekë fine, and Ermir Neziri to 6 months’ imprisonment, suspended on condition that he not take part in such illegal rallies for two years. K.SH. received a social reprimand. - Former SHIK officers were unjustly accused solely to prove and carry out what those in power had in mind. The prosecutor requests that K.SH. be acquitted. - To date (during these three days), none of the law-enforcement witnesses has confirmed that the slogans “Party Enver—We are ready at any time,” “Party of Labour,” or “Long live communism” were chanted in the square. Those who spread such false information should be prosecuted. - Although witnesses testify to an illegal counter-rally held on July 30 on the steps of the Palace of Culture, with the unauthorized chants “Long live Sali Berisha,” the prosecution has not charged any of them to date. At 10:00 a.m., the accused, former SHIK officers K.SH. and Fatmir Mena, appeared before Judge Florida Tecu and in the presence of the prosecutor, charged with gathering at an illegal rally. The defendant K.SH. stated: “I did not give a statement to the police, and what the witnesses testify to proves that I did not take part in the rally. On July 30 I arrived at the rally late, simply out of curiosity.” In his closing argument, the prosecutor stated that the elements of the criminal offense provided for in Article 6 of Decree 7408 require that the defendant have knowingly participated in the rally, which was not proven during the trial. “I request that the defendant be acquitted, since his act has no subjective element,” the prosecutor concluded. Judge Flori- (Continued on page 3)

The presidential spokesperson and Ilir Hoxha deny it

The “Lecce” daily — August 11, 1993 The “Lecce” daily August 11, 1993 ALBANIA: Alessi (DC): With our money, Albania paid kickbacks Only at the end of January this year, Alessi explains, the Italian embassy in Tirana uncovered the background to the “scandal.” The governor of the Central Bank in Tirana, Hoti, the Finance Minister Rulli, Prime Minister Ahmeti, and the President of the Republic Berisha had secretly negotiated with the French intermediary Nikolas Arsidi to arrange an extraordinary scheme. For this assignment, Nikolas received a share of 1 million 600 thousand dollars paid to Hoti. In 1992, Alessi continues, Arsidi was arrested in France on charges of money laundering and confessed that he had deposited 400 thousand dollars in a current account, using one of Hoti’s many passport numbers, at a bank in Zurich. This amount was used to finance the Democratic Party’s election campaign, making a legitimate contribution to the purchase of political parties. In this way, our money, administered by the government, paid kickbacks. Regarding his message, ... of an Albanian leader, the time for the state’s expenditure of 8 million lekë. For all this, Alessi is anxiously pleased that the arrest is a fait accompli. «...», but it failed ... [?]

“Resto del Carlino” — August 11, 1993 “Resto del Carlino,” August 11, 1993 ALESSI (DC): Albanian fraud involving Italian aid Kickbacks have erupted in Albania too. But the pupils outdo their teachers: they receive aid from Italy and use it through French consultants, who put it to use for their election campaign. Meanwhile, two of our leading experts on economic policy offer their help. Truly a farce. The denunciation was made by Christian Democrat deputy Alberto Alessi, who submitted a petition to Foreign Minister Andreatta asking whether our country’s aid policy toward Albania is still justified. Alessi, the rapporteur responsible for the Parliamentary Commission on Cooperation, which is to be established in September, provided some information and reconstructed the “giallo” (mystery) of Tirana. From 1991 to the present, the total amount of aid sent by Italy to Albania has been approximately 700 billion lire. Our country has taken in about 25 thousand refugees, joined by 90, with fewer than 15 thousand family members. “Just for this indifferent effort,” says Alessi, “the Tirana authorities should show goodwill in cooperating with us, even though? they have asked Giuliano Amato and Minister Beniamino Andreatta, acting as negotiators with foreign creditors, to arrange Albania’s international debt of 175 million dollars—an assignment the Albanian government gave to the two Italian politicians.” Finance Minister Rulli, Prime Minister Ahmeti and even President of the Republic Berisha had secretly acted with the French businessman Nikolas Arsidi to entrust him with the task that Amato, and later Andreatta, had been given in good faith: reducing Albania’s debt. For this assignment Nikolas received a sum of 1 million 600 thousand dollars, of which 400 thousand dollars were deposited in Hoti’s account. In ’92, Alessi continues, Arsidi was arrested in France for fraud against the state (taxation) a current account under Hoti’s passport number at a bank in Zurich. This sum served to finance the election campaign of the Albanian Democratic Party in the Albanian elections, in violation of the law on the financing of political parties. And to think that they sentenced the Albanian leader Hoxha’s daughter to only 8 million lire for expenses at the state’s expense. Meanwhile, news arrives from Tirana that Farudin Hoxha, former trade minister in the last government of communist Albania, has been arrested on corruption charges connected with the distribution of food aid sent from Italy to Albania in the first half of 1991. The arrest followed those of the current leader of the socialist opposition, Fatos Nano, former Tourism Minister Robert Gjini, and Deputy Foreign Minister Eokrat Plaka. Members of the toppled Albanian communist government are accused of embezzling Italian aid to Albania worth a total of at least 8 million dollars (about 13 billion lire).

«Corriere della sera» — 11 August 1993 «Corriere della sera» 11 August 1993 Controversy with Albania over humanitarian aid Rome. The kickback scandal involving Italian aid to Albania has erupted, while controversy continues on both shores of the Adriatic. Although since 1991 Tirana has received funds amounting to around 700 billion lire, Albania, instead of negotiating in good faith, is weaving a «lie» against the Italian government, one that serves to enrich the Albanian Democratic Party. The Christian Democrat MP Alberto Alessi, rapporteur for the commission of inquiry into cooperation, which is to be held in September, has addressed an interpellation to Foreign Minister Beniamino Andreattes, in which he describes the story of the double game staged by high-ranking Albanian figures—who, the Christian Democrat MP goes on to say, entrusted the same task both to Italian officials, first Giuliano Amato and later Andreattes, and to a French businessman, Nicolas Arsidi. But to the latter, the State Bank of Albania promised a fee of $1,600,000 in a highly secret contract, at a time when the task entrusted to the Italians was considered free assistance. What is more, according to Alessi, the French businessman allegedly transferred $460,000 to a Swiss bank for officials of the Albanian State Bank, money intended to finance the Democratic Party’s election campaign. And it is precisely in the Albanian capital that the former trade minister in the country’s last communist government, Farudin Hoxha, is currently in prison, accused of having appropriated food aid that arrived from Italy.

«Il Popolo» — 11 August 1993 Albanian aid, a shadow of fraud. The $1,200,000 paid to Nicolas Arsidi for a service that Amato provides free of charge. «Il Popolo» 11 August 1993 ALESSI: our money in the pockets of a French intermediary Albanian aid, a shadow of fraud. The $1,200,000 paid to Nicolas Arsidi for a service that Amato provides free of charge. Rome: Our aid policy for Albania also served to pay a certain French businessman, Nicolas Arsidi, who received $1,200,000 in fees from the Tirana government for secretly arranging the unblocking of Albania’s debt. Although since 1991 Italy has «fed the hungry» (Rome has allocated Tirana nearly 700 billion lire in food aid, financial agreements and cooperation agreements), and although these were free of charge, a «lie against the Italian government» was fabricated [?] to enrich the Democratic Party with a kickback of $400,000. This is what Alberto Alessi (DC), who denounced the fraud and is the Christian Democrat rapporteur for the inquiry into cooperation to be held in September, says in an urgent request submitted to Foreign Minister Beniamino Andreatta. The operation to pay Arsidi, Alessi says, began in 1991, when Albanian Prime Minister Bufi, during a visit to Rome, referred to G. Amato the «task of taking part in unblocking the debt of the Bank of Albania, amounting to $175 million». Only in January 1993, Alessi continues, did the Italian ambassador in Tirana discover everything. The Albanians had secretly handled the matter with N. Arsidi, a French businessman, paying him a fee of $1,200,000 as intermediary in the Albanian debt. Alessi points out that, despite the assistance Italy has given Albania over the past two years: 400 billion lire in food aid, two financial agreements of 30 billion each, gifts and industrial projects worth 39 billion, and 200 billion in cooperation, Tirana gave no sign whatsoever that this secret agreement existed. The fraud, Alessi concludes, came to light at the end of 1992 with Arsidi’s arrest in France on charges of financing [unclear]. He said that he had negotiated with the Albanians (the Central Bank governor Hoti, Finance Minister Rulli, Prime Minister Ahmeti and President Berisha) the reduction of the amount from 1,600,000 to 1,200,000, depositing 400,000 for Hoti in a current account in Zurich, intended to finance the PD’s election campaign—something unacceptable and punishable under Albanian law on party financing.

- The president’s spokesperson and Ilir Hoti deny it only after publication in “ZËRI I POPULLIT”