(from p. 2) From the moment it went into opposition, the PS realized that part of its membership, willingly or by chance, might remain outside it. Opposition as a psychological state is not easy to overcome, especially in those who, in their subconscious, link their own existence to lost privileges and favors, to power and not to their own electoral weight, to governing and not to governing alternatives, to posts and not to ideas and programs, etc. The policy toward members who might still not have broken away from this altered mentality has been clear from the outset. Dialogue with an honest spirit, but also with good intentions, has been—and remains—one of argument, persuasion, responsible understanding, and unity around the fundamental programmatic and statutory ideas, not at any cost, but in any case by creating new opportunities for cooperation. That is the first point. Second, dialogue with anti-statute positions and with any form of factional expression, up to political organizations outside the institutional framework of the PS, has been and remains institutional, through the judgment and decision of the forums elected according to the rules of its organization. Polemics against the internal opposition were nonexistent as a concept, but such a stance could not continue without consequences after these tendencies emerged. The time for building the left opposition cannot go hand in hand with chest-thumping for internal democracy using means that undermine and damage it. No political organization can be maintained between an autonomous internal opposition and a compactness that follows its normal organizational dynamics. If that were to happen, then the PS too would become just another ideological political grouping and not a left-wing party aiming once again to win the majority of citizens in order to govern the country. On the other hand, the need to raise the high stature of the opposition, as a major party, would require and does require clarity in positioning and among individual persons if they choose the alternative of parallel organizations. But such groupings and the party's institutional whole would be entirely incompatible with one another. This would be necessary not merely as a consequence of statutory self-organization, but also as a need for public clarity. In the PS there has been no place either for ideological divergences on fundamental issues or for programmatic splits. In this sense, the issue has seemed completely clear. Precisely in these lines, two opposing positions have stood out. On one side, the PS's position of rapprochement with the Socialist International and of preparing itself as a European-type organization. On the other side, in relation to these processes, an articulated grouping within it, not without links to external factors as well, which was openly working against this orientation. It was represented by a sectarian mindset which, remaining at the level of superficial and arbitrary assessments of social phenomena and developments, in its political strategy absolutized protest alone and tended to identify with every manifestation of it. Ultimately, it saw the PS only as an organization of protest and merely as a political committee of the opposition. Such a position not only simplified the PS, but perhaps also placed it within the framework of the former force in which it had traditionally been nurtured. Ultimately, this mentality could steer part of it toward political nostalgia for particular organizations or forces of the classical left. Polemics and, even more so, division do not suit the PS, because in its recent history it has been and must remain a party of left-of-center. It is no coincidence that it has placed itself in constructive opposition to the current power, no coincidence that it has been restrained in extreme formulas and initiatives of social protest by the opposition, and no coincidence that it has positioned itself clearly in the face of post-communist realities without hiding the symptoms of the left's crisis in transition. In this sense, any mentality that would oppose this orientation, with whatever argument or alibi, would remain predetermined not to interfere with the realism of the PS. It would look more like a polemical display calling for encirclement than like a reasoned political structure. Polemics with the opposite side are possible. Dialogue with reality is necessary. But not with variants that lead to self-isolation or to alibis for the political fragmentation of the left. In this sense, the diversionist voice of Labraskavë has no place among socialists.

More and more notes, letters, articles, etc. are being collected for the political and ideological lexicon of some figures from the PD. Among them, Mr. Tritan Shehu stands out. Unfortunately, even his high-ranking profession, that of doctor, is being used by power as that of an anti-opposition political figure. Faced with numerous statements, it is enough to mention one of the latest, in which Dr. Shehu demanded that the majority continue its use of force all the way to the complete destruction of the PS. Such a lapse, which has nothing to do either with the will or with the professional formation of the doctor, is capable of raising serious questions about the ethical and civic standards of a politician. At the very least, from a doctor one would expect calm, patience, balance, humanity. - BE GRATEFUL TO YOURSELF - To demand the destruction of a political force such as the PS means not to recognize either its real weight or the nature of the pluralist system. Democracy does not grow by eliminating the opponent, but by competing with alternatives. Anyone who speaks of the political annihilation of the other shows not strength, but fear of debate and inability to convince citizens. - HEAL YOURSELF - In politics there is a need for measured language, especially from those who bear public responsibility. When speech turns into a call for exclusion and destruction, it sickens itself and poisons democratic life. The doctor, before giving political diagnoses about others, should look at the wound in his own language. This applies both to the doctor and to the politician.

Dangerous conflict between the people and the police Last night, the Laç District vehicle, which was transporting 30 grams per meter of wine, [?] overturned. It is understood that the entire city police force, including officers from the police station, has gone to the scene. City sources speak of a clash between citizens and the security forces, while the situation has been aggravated by careless police intervention. Residents have expressed strong dissatisfaction and have gathered in large groups. Some of them claim that the police used violence, while on the other hand it is said that several individuals resisted the officers' actions with force. The information remains unclear and developments are being followed with concern. Full verification of the circumstances and avoidance of an escalation of the conflict are called for.

Representatives of the organization of politically persecuted people and of other opposition groups addressed a harsh protest yesterday to the General Directorate of State Archives, following its official announcement about access to documents of the former State Security. According to their statements, inaccurate information has been disseminated that creates confusion in public opinion and undermines citizens' right to know the past. In response, they are demanding transparency, respect for procedures, and the avoidance of political misuse of archival documentation. They warn that they will pursue institutional avenues to oppose any action that, in their view, distorts the truth or prevents society from confronting its repressive past.

KALAKULA CAUSE- TIME? FROM JUSTICE WITHOUT THE HIDDENNESS OF THE BUSHESINESS ( continues on page 2 ) According to sources dated 28 August, various citizens have been the object of searches and detentions accompanied by allegations of procedural violations. Public reactions have pointed to a lack of clarity and institutional responsibility. In some cases, the use of violence and pressure against citizens is mentioned, while the authorities have still not provided a convincing explanation. The case has sparked debate over the role of justice and law-enforcement bodies in the conditions of transition.

The Court of Appeal has set Monday for the hearing of former prime minister Vilson Ahmeti. According to the announcement, the case is linked to procedures followed during the performance of his duties in the technical government. In political and media circles, high interest is expected in this process, which is seen as an important test for the functioning of justice in the country. It remains to be seen what arguments will be presented by the parties and how they will be assessed by the court.

ALBANIA: A TRAGIC FARCE There is a danger for the authorities that the referendum issue, with the launch of procedures for the approval of the constitutional amendments, may take on a completely different dimension. It would represent an even greater consolidation of a strategy aimed even more strongly at the political elimination of the Socialist opposition. On a second level, this would resemble a major manipulation of the Albanian reality through the very essence of unilateral power. That is the essence of the analysis by the French magazine "Politique Internationale" on Albania. It refers to political developments, relations between power and opposition, and the risk of worsening the democratic climate.