Spectacular theft At the State Bank (and not at a private bank), 1,600 thousand dollars are stolen with a “document.” At a time of crisis, when the people live on aid from the world, while the president taxes and [unclear] the world’s airplanes. The Arsidi scandal is complementary to that of Sejdia, whose mission is to make the “gold convoys” brought by Mexheu disappear. What is it, then? A question hangs over us like the sword of Damocles: an ordinary swindle by con artists, or a carefully devised scenario? It would be a trap of ignorance if Arsidi had not appeared on the Albanian scene after the notorious Sejdia-Melkou. We would call it a trap if it were a lightning operation carried out in a day, in a week. This conjecture falls away because we are dealing with an action planned and carefully weighed for more than a year: November 1991–October 1992. Over a period of more than a year, it was entirely possible to verify the results of the negotiations on Albania’s debt and to act on the payment. Shall we call it the blunder of amateurs? Judging by the number of “heroes” and their hierarchy, this would be a subject worthy of Balzac’s pen. The President of the Republic himself, Mr. Berisha, wears a decoration from the versatile Arsidi. The first document that former Prime Minister Ahmeti had to sign in haste was Arsidi’s mandate (Arsidi surely did not know that Mr. Ahmeti would become prime minister, so as to approach him beforehand or order a decoration). Thus the chain of hierarchy descends link by link from Minister Ruli to the governor, Hoti, and to the specialists Xhyhëri and Saliu. If the officials of a state fall into the dock, it would be a disgrace for a nation. If they play poker with the money of a poor people, that would be a crime. But the thief—is he not at all to blame? Because Arsidi is absent from the trial, as if this were not about a large sum stolen by him. The trial almost presents the matter as though someone else had pocketed the money, while Arsidi had merely taken the “courier’s” share. This parody brings to mind that comedy sketch in which the guard at the robbed premises asks: on the prejudged charge of a “forged signature,” Hoti is simply a witness, while Ahmeti and Saliu are under arrest, unable to work together on the facts and documents.

In this commotion, the diminutive RD has taken on the heavy burden of convincing people that the president who received the decoration of cortis[?], Ruli, Hoti, Xhyhëri and Saliu are pure-bred socialists. That it was not the PD that stole this money to buy votes, as deputy Alessi denounced, but the Socialist Party. Keep it up, boys—you’re doing well!

Even the most ordinary person learned at this trial what a bill of exchange is and how easy it is to steal money with a bill of exchange (in Albania, not in the world). I hear technical exchanges and lessons on banking procedures. But one thing became crystal clear from the trial, after we learned the 99 reasons why “the bells did not ring.” Who stole the money? Will the 1,6000 thousand dollars stolen in broad daylight with signatures and seals be returned to the bank? Will the chaff be separated from the wheat? That is the question! Let RD make a windmill of “chaff” out of the citizens. Here the theft has been established down to the last qindarkë. Will the money be returned, or will everything be covered up with the blessed lid of “abuse of office”? ASTRIT MANKA

Rexhina Nano, Fatos Nano’s wife, writes to Mrs. Berisha It had never occurred to me that a day would come when I would write to you publicly, just as I had never imagined that the reason for doing so would be none other than Al—your husband, Sali Berisha, President of the Republic of Albania, in whose life and work you undoubtedly have a special place. It has been three weeks since the Chairman of the Socialist Party of Albania and Member of the People’s Assembly, Fatos Nano—who is also my husband of nearly 20 years and the father of our two children—has been locked in the cells of Tirana prison for the sole “sin” of being a political opponent of Sali Berisha and refusing to become a plaything, a puppet in the hands of others; in the hands of those who toy with the fate of this people, wounded by dreams, and of this country, driven to a crossroads. The reason that prompted me to write to you has nothing to do with what Fatos Nano is unjustly accused of, in a manner as treacherous as it is devilish, because the entire accusation is a shameful fabrication. I will write to you neither about the procedural violations nor about the [unclear] that was evident in my husband’s arrest, because I do not think that you “are aware” of it. As a woman, a mother and the wife of a man who has been unjustly imprisoned, I address you as the wife of the President of the Republic, because I believe that you, more than anyone else, know your husband and are able to assess and judge him in every respect: as a person, a husband, a citizen, a father to his children, chairman of the Democratic Party, President of the Republic—in other words, as a companion along the whole road of life he has travelled. The difficult period of transition from totalitarianism to a pluralist society gave me the opportunity to stand by Fatos Nano in the difficult undertaking to which he devoted himself wholeheartedly and with all his intellectual and physical strength, so that everything could be accomplished as the people wanted, but with as little pain and tension as possible. I have regarded this as a civic duty for the “benefit” of everyone. I have stood by him when they carried him shoulder-high to applause, when they pelted him with stones, and when they insulted and abused him in the crudest way—those who were and are part of your husband’s circle; and also when he was appreciated and treated with dignity by honest political opponents, truly civilized and democratic people. We have endured all this “without violence,” together with our children, and have expressed no regret. During this difficult period I strengthened my conviction that he is an honest man, devoted to serving his country, while the children came to know their father even better. They stood by me, without believing the accusations being made, giving both him and me the support we needed. Although they are not yet of mature age, they understand why things are happening this way. At home we have nurtured a spirit of sacrifice and [unclear], and of love and respect for good people, who in these extraordinary days have become a strong support and source of strength for Fatos Nano. So, just as the pressure and fabricated slanders did not frighten us, nothing frightens or daunts me now—not his imprisonment, nor the plans that were plotted against him. These things, dear Madam, are inspired by honesty, love and respect for others. Others are the ones who harbor hatred and revenge, while more than ever we need understanding, harmony and human relations. My children and I do not want to feel hostility toward anyone, today or tomorrow. I do not doubt that you, together with your children, share this wish. But although I have no doubt about your qualities, I have not yet felt in you the strength of a woman who can make her husband be prudent when he is provoked, reason when he is out of sorts, and be open and sincere, speaking plainly with Albanians about Albanians. Dear Madam, I look back on the period we have been through. It was not long. Things changed quickly, and the character of many people was laid bare. I imagine you know the influence a parent’s conduct and actions have on children. Virtues as well as vices leave indelible marks on them. But if a parent has a duty to show kindness and honesty to their children, the President has that duty toward all his citizens. Otherwise, instead of love, he earns hatred; instead of respect, he earns people’s ingratitude. That is a greater loss than losing a throne. Love and respect are not won with “votes”; they are not won through violence; they are not won through imprisonment. I hope you understand this, Madam, and then there will be hope for all Albanians, for all of Albania. Tirana, 22 August 1993 Note: The headline was supplied by the editorial staff.

Pensioners on the front line Each passing day makes clearer just how much intellectual capacity the PD has to hold on to power and govern the country. As a result of its revanchist mentality, according to which there should be no place for socialists in the state administration, the PD has been reduced to a sorry state. Its current condition brings to mind an army that has suffered enormous losses in war and, to make up for them, declares a general mobilization, calling up everyone from 12 to 70 years old. There is no other way to explain some of the recent appointments at Tirana City Hall. Specifically: Mrs. Fatbardha Daja, a pensioner with no academic degree, has been appointed chief director of the Urban Planning Directorate. The retired Hasan Bardhi, whose background is unrelated to the field, has been appointed director of legal urban planning. Nothing matters to the party in power. What matters to it is putting party loyalists in positions.

On Wednesday or Thursday, at the Krujë District Court, 16 people will face charges of organizing the Laç people’s revolt Lightning-fast investigations and trial proceedings for 16 people accused of organizing the popular revolt in Laç. Lightning speed that does not even allow seven days to pass since the “mourning” for the death of citizen David Leka, which sparked this revolt—a revolt that took on the scale of an entire city protesting against crime, violence and the flagrant violation of human rights. Someone may commit a crime, and must be punished for it. But punishment must be according to the law, not punishment by taking the law into one’s own hands. Because taking the law into one’s own hands leads to revenge, to the loss of every humane feeling; it leads to crime—and a crime was committed. A seventeen-year-old boy was killed by armed men with pistols and rubber truncheons, who [unclear] a person in a room, completely defenseless. And the result: he was deprived of what is most precious to every person, what only God can give, and what only God has the right to take away: THE RIGHT TO LIVE. So a person is killed and massacred, but an entire city is insulted. And no one can bear an insult, because it weighs heavily. And to cast it off, no kind of organization or leadership is needed. An entire city rises in revolt against those who insulted it, against those who fuel violence, against those who take people’s lives. But shame knows no bounds, especially after a crime. And, as if nothing had happened, violence is unleashed against the people too. Policemen (among them honest people who know the difference) pursue free people at every step, threatening to lock them inside their homes. O God, where are we—in the Middle Ages? As if all that were not enough, they also arrest and imprison the organizers of the revolt. Among them were the chairman and deputy chairman of the PS, who were later released. But 16 others remain under this accusation and will be tried on Wednesday or Thursday (the date is yet to be arranged) at the Krujë District Court for the “crime” they committed. So, killing is not enough; the violence they inflict is not enough either: they also put on trial and try to punish those who protest against their unlawful actions. And yet the shame goes further. A boy is killed without cause by the police in Korçë (this is also confirmed by the investigator in the case); another is later killed in Fier, also by the police; while another in Lushnjë is killed by the police as well. So far, not one killer has been brought under Albanian law; not one of them has appeared before a court. Meanwhile, protesters against violence are brought before the courts. And so, on Wednesday, more people will be tried. The trial season continues at full intensity, aided by shamelessness in the exercise of power. And when shamelessness is in power, it becomes brazen. Did the Democratic Party not hold a party rally in Laç on the third day of “mourning”? TV confirmed it.

In the lands of this ancient country there have been, and still are, extraordinary, respected people; there have been, and still are, brave and wise men whose names and deeds are known throughout the world. There are also deformed people, with and without wigs, with and without power; there are collaborators and accomplices of fascism, and the most savage killers of [lingues?]. The imprisonment of Fatos Nano and the sentencing of the ten participants in the July 30 rally clearly show this disfigurement. Certain political forces (under command) have taken control of the sphere of legality and law-making, dismantling democracy before the eyes of the poor people; Albanian intellectuals, killed in their time, intellectuals made ready by years of poverty, are not respected—in fact, they are lynched. Who ordered the lynching of Professor Farudin Hoxha? He is one of the most outstanding figures in Albanian technical science. For some 30 years of his life, he devoted himself to books, the drafting table, and hydroelectric power plant construction sites. His signature was expertly put to the projects for the Vau i Dejës, Fierza, Koman, Banja, and Bovilla hydroelectric power plants, and for so many other hydraulic engineering works. And these are no ordinary works. Any design institution anywhere in the world could be proud of them. Only a person with a special love for people, science, and work could take responsibility for such projects—high dams, where any mistake would have catastrophic consequences for the nation and neighboring states. So, who ordered his lynching? The accusations being made against Professor Farudin today are nothing but sly fabrications and, in fact, have nothing to do with the professor. Through his work, honesty, and modesty, he is and will remain a book, the drafting table, and the nation and neighboring states. So, who ordered his lynching? (Continued on page 4)

Tragic incident in Shkodër Yesterday at 10:30, the final respects were paid at the Ministry of Public Order’s Palace of Culture in Tirana to police non-commissioned officer Arben Nikoll Ujka, aged 22, who had been engaged in a confrontation with criminals. On August 22, at around 10 in the morning, in the village of Mushtan in the Shkodër district, the criminal Qazim Sadi-ku, seeking revenge for a blood feud, killed two innocent people and then fled toward the village with a weapon. The security forces pursued him, but, in cooperation with the Armed Forces Neutralization Police, in the terrain around Tirana, in the darkness, they located his whereabouts. As a result, he was captured alive, but he did not accep… Then, unexpectedly, he opened fire on the security forces. In the exchange of fire, the police officer was wounded and, despite the treatment he received while on duty, lost his life. As he died of his wounds, the criminal Qazim Sadiku was also killed by the security forces. Non-commissioned officer Arben Ujka had been working for only a year, but his readiness and passion for his work had made him an example to his colleagues as well. The day of his killing was an immense loss for everyone. Today, a [unclear] against criminals would not let him find [unclear], and together with his comrades, where he was found dead by the hand of terror… A moving ceremony took place, attended by military and civilian personnel who had come to bid a final farewell to their unforgettable friend and brother. President of the Republic Sali Berisha and other government officials also attended the farewell ceremony. They expressed their condolences to the family members who were present and to his colleagues, praised his act as extremely courageous, and decorated members of the Ujka and Termizaj families. The award was conferred posthumously by the President of the Republic, as an honor to [unclear] him. A young man, for days I hadn’t seen him… A. M.

What can you expect from a government that tries harder to fill the prisons? Whenever I got up and went to pick up my little daughter from the nursery, the pale, exhausted faces of the little ones caught my eye as they looked at me like birds fallen from their nests. Their innocent faces stayed before my eyes all day. Several times I had been ready to ask their caregiver, but I hesitated; I don’t know what held me back. I was afraid of the answer I might get. It seemed pointless to ask, since I couldn’t help them with their daily needs, etc. There, I said to myself, my daughter looks the same, and I know the reason well. I felt as if I would be intruding on an answer that would make me change my mind. And I knew: these are our little ones. They all have a family; they are their families’ hope, they are a country’s future. One day, when I saw them, I asked the caregiver: Why are these children so pale and weak? After thinking for a moment, the caregiver replied: Well, we always tell the mothers to pick up their children a little earlier and take them out into the sun. I couldn’t hold back and continued: Is that really the only reason? What about the food? I got the answer from another caregiver, whom I had not noticed until that moment. The main thing is the food, she replied. It breaks our hearts too when we see these children. There isn’t enough food; some days we feed them only tea. More often than not, we don’t have meat; fruit and fruit juice are out of the question. I’m an old-time caregiver, she continued, but things have never been like this before. What can you expect from a government that thinks so much about putting people in prison and, as for doing anything good—poor parents, they can no longer feed their children at home, so they bring them here hoping they’ll fare better. And you can see for yourself how well that works out for them; I tell you, just leave your daughter here. I left the nursery, [unclear], with my daughter and regretting the question I had asked.