Public letter from PSSH chairman Fatos Nano, addressed to senior representatives of the Diplomatic Corps in the Republic of Albania FATOS NANO: “I consider and declare myself a political prisoner and a prisoner of conscience” Dear Ministers Plenipotentiary, Ambassadors Extraordinary, and senior diplomatic representatives of friendly countries and international organizations in the Republic of Albania, Your Excellencies, Dear friends, Since I am unable to communicate with you as before, directly and freely, around a discussion table or at ceremonies for your national holidays or for anniversaries of the main opposition party I lead (PSSH), I am addressing you with this Public Letter in order to continue, in a situation of extreme tension for my country and the Balkan region, the dialogue temporarily interrupted—not through any fault of yours, nor through any fault of mine. I consider it necessary to recall that the last opportunity I had to speak freely with many of you was this year’s celebration of the anniversary of the Taking of the Bastille, at the French Embassy, on July 14. I emphasize this because, since July 30, 1993, I have been unlawfully held in isolation in the “Bastille”—the Prison of Tirana. I consider and declare myself a political prisoner and a prisoner of conscience, for the following reasons: 1. My lawful political activity as opposition leader in Albania and as a member of parliament has been described by the state and the official mass media as “destructive, hostile, anti-national and agent-like” (?!). 2. The political objectives, analyses and democratic alternatives presented on behalf of the PSSH have officially been characterized as “an attempt to seize power and restore the communist system” (?!). 3. My contacts with the electorate, not only in the constituency where I was elected deputy but also my public activity in many parts of the country, have been systematically obstructed by the state using police methods, systematically censored by state RTV, and my voters, lawful representatives, members and supporters of the Party I lead have repeatedly been subjected to pressure and psychological, economic and police terror. This has been done through state information outlets and even by officials of the National Intelligence Service, who spread disinformation and slander in many parts of the country; following uninterrupted physical and telephone surveillance, as well as surveillance of my public and private relations, which has also targeted my colleagues and family members. In essence and in summary, I consider it highly significant that in internal party-state directives to denigrate my reputation and create a “hostile climate” conducive to my political lynching, Fatos Nano has been called nothing more and nothing less than a “dangerous spy for Europe” (?!). 7. Despite the loyal and lawful positions I have maintained toward state institutions and their representatives, including the President of the Republic, I have been subjected—even by the latter—to subversive and provocative pressure and blackmail, and even to material restrictions imposed on members of my family. These have been escalated in line with the intensity of the Socialist Party’s and its supporters’ political struggle by lawful and democratic means, as well as with the social blackmail and terror used to secure my release. Repression against me and violations of my most elementary human rights continue; in prison, I have even been threatened by the prison administration’s officials or their superiors to “abandon political activity harmful to the government” (?!). 10. The pseudo-accusations of “corruption” or “abuse of office” brought against me as prime minister of Albania’s first government of democratic transition and institutional opening toward Western civilization, our neighbors and beyond, have been instigated by those individuals and political circles in Albania who organized its overthrow and that of the Government of Stability, interrupting institutional and market-economy reforms for a long time, paralyzing and destroying the basic structures of the country’s productive and public life, and seriously shaking Albania’s European partnership for certain domestic, regional and global political interests. Dear Sirs, In appreciation of your consistent recognition and understanding of the issue mentioned above— - The profoundly democratic, contemporary and forward-looking content of the program, structures and political commitments of the Socialist Party of Albania. - Our unchanging constructive messages advocating tolerance, dialogue, balance, understanding and cooperation among Albania’s main political forces for reconciliation, democratic national reconstruction, good neighborly relations and peaceful resolution of Balkan conflicts, and for Albania’s integration and worthy partnership with European structures and the new international order. I trust that you will take the above into consideration and, within the scope of your lawful diplomatic status and functions, inform the governments and international organizations you represent, as well as those headquartered in your countries. With the renewal of my highest consideration, Chairman of the PSSH Member of the People’s Assembly FATOS NANO Tirana Prison, Cell No. 47, August 25, 1993 I consider it necessary to recall that the most recent occasion that allowed me to speak freely with my [??]s, You[?], was the at the French Embassy on 14 July. I emphasized this because, since 30 July “Bastille”—Tirana Prison—on an absurd pretext and by unconstitutional means, while the real motives for my imprisonment are genuinely political in nature and constitute flagrant violations of fundamental human rights and freedoms. I will briefly explain this in this public letter, not to ask You to intervene with the Albanian judiciary, because I am able to defend and publicly prove my innocence, despite the grave violation of the independence of the judicial authorities and their subjection to political control, which is resulting in unlawful and politically imposed sentences, through which the state is attacking and imprisoning every opposition figure in my country, in this situation of intense political tension. I hope that You are informed about this matter through the public debate and the relevant explanations given to You by my colleagues on the Party Presidium and in its parliamentary group. Honorable Sirs, Once again thanking You for the fairness and understanding that have characterized our relations to date, I am addressing You publicly to inform Albanian public opinion You[?], was the because, since 30 July addressing You publicly to inform Albanian public opinion 4. The international contacts and relations that I have developed as a member of parliament and chairman of the PSSH with You and with the distinguished official personalities of the countries and organizations You represent have officially been treated and denigrated as “anti-Albanian,” as a sale of national interests, betrayal of the Homeland, an alliance with enemies, or sabotage of the democratic processes and the work of the Albanian government (!) 5. My arrest and imprisonment took place after the successful political visit to China, after I was arbitrarily barred from participating in the People’s Assembly delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe in Strasbourg; after the signing of an important political declaration on [Vlat Inelitet?] and good neighborly relations with Greece’s PASOK; and after the successful parliamentary visit to the Federal Republic of Germany. These and other international activities of the PSSH have been negatively stigmatized in the above-mentioned spirit by the state and party propaganda of the ruling majority. 6. My arrest and imprisonment were carried out after an official campaign of denigration of my public image in the country’s press. The state has systematically obstructed me, using police methods; state RTV has systematically censored me; and repeated psychological, economic, and police pressure and terror have been exerted against my voters and lawful representatives, and against the members and supporters of the Party I lead. 7. My arrest and imprisonment were officially sanctioned by the President of the Republic. I was subjected, including by the latter, to discriminatory imposed on members of my family, scaled according to the intensity of the Socialist Party’s political struggle using illegal and democratic means and the state’s growing intolerance toward it. 8. The violation of my parliamentary immunity and standing, my political lynching, arrest, and imprisonment as opposition leader took place after public and covert political pressure was brought to bear on the offices of the Prosecutor, the Investigative authorities, and the judiciary as a whole by leading representatives of the ruling party, along with threats against a number of prosecutors and investigators who refused to accept political diktat in the application of the law, defending the sovereignty and independence of the judicial branch, the rule of law, and fundamental human rights and freedoms. This led to flagrant violations of constitutional provisions and legal procedures in order to carry out my arrest in an entirely arbitrary manner as a “person posing a pronounced social danger” (!). 9. The violation of the democratic principles of a civil society and of human rights has continued through the political lynching, arrest, imprisonment, and conviction without guilt, or through state threats of criminal prosecution, of leading opposition representatives, my colleagues or members of other parties, as well as ordinary people protesting for justice.

- The bill of exchange for 1 million 200 thousand dollars is also dated March 20, 1992, and signed by Ilir Holi. Its nine-month billing period is contrary to all international conventions and global banking practice. - When asked about this bill of exchange by lawyer Pajtim Hoxha, Agim Tartari said that he knew nothing about it. - Prosecutor Marku said of this bill of exchange: “This bill has no value for us because it was annulled and had no consequences.” - As for the two bills of exchange dated March 20, 1992. So far it is known that The day before yesterday, at around 9:40, the fifth hearing in the trial of former Prime Minister Vilson Ahmeti and two former managers of the Commercial Bank, Agron Saliu and Agim Tartari, began. The hearing opened with answers from the experts Nelson Hicka and Llazi Balliu, who once again considered the discounting transactions carried out by the Commercial Bank lawful. The experts stated: “The bill of exchange is the concrete instrument for executing payment. The absence of legislation in the operations of our banks is evident. Despite this, the banks have conducted their business using instruments such as ‘documentary credit’, ‘In kaso’ and ‘guarantee’, in accordance with international laws and conventions.” In response to a question from prosecutor Marku, they said that the accounting entry for the first payment could and should have been made earlier. After the experts’ testimony, lawyer Sanxhaku again repeated his request for the handwriting experts and translation experts, about whom he had doubts, to appear in court. The judicial panel rejected this request. Then former deputy director of the Commercial Bank, Agim Tartari, took the floor to give explanations. At the outset of his testimony, Mr. Tartari said that the prosecution had paid no attention at all to the origins and operations of this bank. He explained the circumstances of its establishment, its activities and the powers of the Commercial Bank. Mr. Tartari described Hoti as a man with an old-fashioned and anachronistic mindset, and his actions as mis-… only 1.6 million dollars were accounted for with the 1.2-million bill of exchange; what happened? - The experts say: payment. The payment order has no value.” - The prosecutor has not presented to the court, for admission as evidence, the payment orders of November 1 and 3, 1991, signed by Ilir Holi. - Sanxhaku also raises a second allegation concerning forged documents in the case file. Sanxhaku asked to reopen the procedural file. Speaking about how he became acquainted with Arsidi, Tartari began his testimony by saying that he had asked Arsidi, from his office, to obtain some advice in Paris from Mr. Shyti. Recounting the chronology of events, Tartari said: “On November 1, Arsidi received from Governor Hoti a mandate making him the exclusive negotiator; after that, I received the agreement on fees, under which he was promised up to 10 percent of the transaction, in connection with the unblocking of the debt, which was to be paid to him by means of a bill of exchange. After also obtaining two payment orders from Prime Minister Ahmeti, he presented me with a bill for 1,000 [dollars?] issued by himself and guaranteed by Leorent Simon. We informed him that we would not discount a bill with a term longer than six months. We agreed on a bill worth 800,000 dollars, which was paid at 640,000 dollars, retaining 160,000 dollars as a guarantee. Later, when Arsidi presented us with the 1.2-million-dollar bill in March, with a maturity date of September 20 (six months), we deducted the amount from the first payment and paid 945,000 dollars, bringing the total to 1.6 million dollars.” Tartari described the payment orders and agreements of November 1 and 3, signed by Governor Hoti, as accurate and genuine. Here he also mentioned that the fee agreement signed by Hoti on March 25, 1992, refers specifically to the payment order of November 1, 1991. While putting into que- (continued on page 2) of [ritar?]. At the beginning of his explanations, Mr. Tartari stated that the prosecution had not taken the convictions and activities of this bank into account at all. as a man with an old-fashioned and anachronistic mentality, and his actions as abusive and representative of them, including the President of the Republic. I have been subjected, including by the latter, to discriminatory democratic means and the state’s growing intolerance toward it. Honorable Sirs, In appreciation of your constant awareness and understanding of the matter mentioned above— - The profoundly democratic, contemporary, and future-oriented Socialist Party of Albania. - Our consistent neighborly relations, and peaceful resolution of Balkan conflicts, as well as Albania’s integration and dignified as those headquartered in your countries. (to be continued on page 2)

The “rule-of-law” state does not put the perpetrators of murders on trial, but the protesters against this horrific act As if to convince us that the state is a state of trials and prisons, it began spreading its experience to other districts of the country as well. Yesterday morning, the city of Krujë became the scene of another mass trial, directed against 13 people from the city of Laç on the charge by now familiar in such cases: illegal gathering and demonstration. For several days, the public has been made aware of a serious incident in the city of Laç, where citizen David L. A. lost his life after being mistreated by law-enforcement authorities. Angered by this act, members of the victim’s family sought to protest in front of the law-enforcement authorities in the city, but were not allowed to do so. Despite this, on 14.8.1993 thousands of citizens of Laç protested in front of the public order building, where the demonstration was dispersed with

Thanks The newspaper RD published a congratulatory message for our newspaper on the eve of its 52nd anniversary. Whether in quotation marks or not, the greeting deserved to be welcomed. On this occasion, it is also worth noting the proposal made to us in a friendly letter. We are proposed that the newspaper’s name be changed and replaced with a name chosen by the newspaper-respect RD. The proposal from RD has been thanked for by the entire editorial staff, while instead of “RD”, a new name is proposed. The proposal, it says in this proposal ... Best wishes from colleagues of zëp[t?]u.

According to well-informed sources at the Ministry of Justice, we learn that this ministry has received a firm directive from the PD Political Bureau to immediately begin intensive cooperation with Bulletin No. 2, which concerns the purge in the justice system, including the courts, prosecutors’ offices and investigators. According to the directive from “above”, mass replacements of personnel at this institution—prosecutors and investigators—are to be carried out within September, replacing existing staff with six-month trainees trained by the PD in Durrës. To this end, the relevant letters and draft plans have been prepared for the personnel to be replaced; these include many who worked in the justice system during the communist period, who were communists, etc. AHI ZENELI

Complaints from the people I read the law and understood it as well as I could—not as well as you did on TV—and listened as much as my ears could take. I have a few questions: 1. Every month the municipal enterprise hangs up a written sheet saying: “Privatize your homes.” “Hey, next month the rent will increase three to five times.” As a citizen, do I have a right to that sheet or not? I know privatization lasts until the end of the year; is this municipal hurry and haste necessary? 2. In my building and apartment, the roof terrace is cracked, and one room is becoming uninhabitable. Should I make it mine—should I buy it in this defective condition? The enterprise comes to repair it, tells me to fix it myself and continue with the expenses I have paid, or... 3. According to your calculations, my contract with the municipal enterprise was signed in April 1978, which under the law puts it among the 15–20-year cases. The Commission puts me among the 10–15-year cases. 4. According to my calculations, I receive a pension of 1,523 lekë a month. Repairing the roof terrace, after doing the paperwork, will cost me 6,000 lekë. With the income I have been getting... rent for the roof terrace for me? What should I do, repair it or not? I want the rain to start, so I can see what they tell me. *A resident of building No. ...

Two friends met recently in a café in Tirana: — Did you hear? the first said to the second. New prison spaces have opened in Tirana these days. — Why? the second asked. How many more have opened? — To start with, 110 spaces. The other, who had been in line once before, thought for a moment and said: — Why, 145? — What do you mean? the first said. — Well, my friend, 182, the other said, and walked away laughing. ...