A month has passed without a single investigative measure being taken It is nearly a month since Fatos Nano, chairman of the Socialist Party and deputy for the Kuçovë district in the People’s Assembly, was illegally arrested. As of yesterday, the Dervishi–Qelesh duo, the members of the investigation and prosecution services officially implicated so far, who sanctioned Fatos Nano’s arrest on orders from above, have not appeared at a hearing in order to present the charge and investigative materials and begin the investigation. These are all standard steps in a proper investigative procedure, followed in an important criminal case on which the government and parliament themselves were engaged for many months in order to secure an arrest. The surprise and immediate arrest of Fatos Nano in the early days of August, following the “Blic” of July 30, coincided with the holiday season for government officials and international organizations—a circumstance that Mr. Berisha also seems to have taken into account. So it is a fact that Fatos Nano, this personality in Albanian politics and the most authoritative leader of the largest opposition party, the Socialist Party, has been thrown in prison as if this were a matter of slander in an ordinary case, after the chairman of the State Control Commission, Mr. Blerim Çela, used his unbelievable material and accusations to bombard public opinion with claims of unprecedented corruption and theft by the Socialist leadership during Nano’s time as prime minister. Then, after the arrest, why is there no rush to uncover the perpetrator of the corruption, theft and abuse? There are two reasons. The first is that, faced with Fatos Nano, the charges against him—from corruption and theft to abuse of official position and falsification—would be exposed as fabricated, as would the staging of this illegal arrest. The second concerns the needs of the investigation: a period of inactivity may be intended to cool the anger of Socialists, who understand all too clearly that their leader’s arrest is nothing but a politically violent act of revenge by the extremist leaders of the Democratic Party, Berisha himself and others. Thus, there is every likelihood that, as is common practice, the investigation will be prolonged indefinitely for months and years, as is also being done with this punishment by the party and state of the PS. Secondly, it is perfectly clear that the investigating authorities are wholly unprepared to begin the investigation and are afraid to confront Fatos Nano with Çela’s allegations, dressed up as though they carried a presumption of guilt. As his statements in the People’s Assembly show, Nano has long been ready to blow those slanders against him out of the water. The most striking fact is illustrated by a highly significant episode. The Dervishi–Qelesh duo, investigator and prosecutor, who are said to have worked in specialist departments of these agencies, had not even had time (fewer than three days had passed since their appointment in this case) before they approved Fatos Nano’s arrest. They are not distinguished by the professional capacity needed to uncover Blerim Çela’s “arguments.” In conclusion, the above reasons—the evident, endless prolongation of the investigation and the investigators’ fear of confronting Fatos Nano—reinforce the belief that he is innocent of the charges of abuse and falsification, and that these have been turned into a political accusation. At the same time, they unmask the highest party and state leaders of the Democratic Party and make their investigative and judicial SHOW and farce all the more obvious to the public. SPARTAK BRAHO Lawyer

— “If democracy is a world view; if democracy is tolerance; if democracy is consideration for others; if democracy is the protection of the individual from the violence of those in power, then your democracy is nothing but propaganda” (Rexhep Qosja: letter sent to Sali Berisha, Prishtinë, 30.1.93) “Happy bright day, great day, the first day of democracy”—in the monumental words of Doctor Professor Sali Berisha, on March 23, 1992. And everyone was happy amid the emotion, when democracy, as it had been understood since ancient times, was identified with freedom. From that day on, the slogan “Freedom, democracy” began to fade from Albania’s squares and streets, and the word “democracy” alone began to be attacked. While the word freedom was imprisoned behind teeth and tongue, its twin, the word democracy, was identified with Sali Berisha, with Bashkim Kopliku, with Petrit Kalakula, with the Democratic Party. And this happened again and again, every week, every hour, every minute. Weeks passed, days followed one another, and everything deteriorated. We had moved on from the election campaign, from deceptive promises delivered through a barrage of lies before the election, while this process of identification continued, taking on the dimensions of propaganda that increasingly deceived a people seeking work and well-being. Weeks passed, and passed, and the effects spread, taking hold of people. First 100, then 1,000, 100,000, 200,000—and it still goes on. It became painful for thousands of people who had been deceived, who aspired to dignity and a better life. Everything became painful for people who were driven into stress and mental prostitution. But nobody seemed to notice—or rather, those in power did not notice, as they continued with “Sali Berisha met Bush,” “Petrit shook Clinton’s hand,” “Meksi also met with … He told him that …” All these things … Meanwhile unemployment, crime, corruption, drugs and AIDS were growing to enormous proportions, beyond even the reach of doctors with professor-doctor titles. Yet everyone remained silent. At last, one of our prophecies was confirmed by Rexhep Qosja, who denounced Sali Berisha’s “democracy” as propaganda. People’s hopes rested on him. Nevertheless, another person after him found the courage: the opposition figure and chairman of PUKSH, Idajet Beqiri, who called Berisha a “murderer” of all state officials. Six months in prison, after a trial. Immediately after him, the head of the opposition, a problem for those in power, Fatos Nano, chairman of our Socialist Party, was arrested and imprisoned. Next, someone else who speaks out will be put in prison. But violence stands vigilant; the police of those in power (not of the people) strike to spread terror in Korçë, Lushnje, Fier and Laç, and people hide away for good. They think they are upholding freedom and democracy, the twin slogans “Freedom, democracy” fill the squares, and people protest everywhere—young people everywhere, against human-rights violations and the policies of those in power. And the government punishes its own people: those arrested at Sali Berisha’s monument in Tirana; the killings; the Socialists; 13 others await the court’s decision after a judicial stage-setting under the charge of having protested in Laç against violence. Yesterday, Kola … young people … in the western part … have been disappeared by SHIK at the rally and will be arrested. Hundreds of others face the same wretched fate at work because “bullet 24.1” is leaving them jobless, simply for having taken part in a rally demanding bread. And opposite them stands the democratic government. So, people, is Fatos Nano the only one in prison? No, absolutely not. We too are in prison when we do not dare to speak, or speak in hushed voices. We too are in prison when we take to the streets and look left and right, making our heads swing like pendulums in case someone arrests us. You are in prison too when you cannot distinguish freedom from democracy, when you go to a rally or stay away, sign here or do not sign there, stamp here or do not stamp there, and in the end 24.1, in the name of reform, sends you to the national prison of assistance. You are in prison too, people, when you are without power, because power itself is a prison for … and you are heading toward state impoverishment on 500 lekë. But among you, people, among us, there are also those who are not in prison, and those who are out on the streets demanding … They are happy because they are free. Nevertheless, we are all in prison, because our country is once again being left alone and is being isolated from free Europe. People, wake up! Fatos Nano is not the only one in prison! We too are in prison, and they are forcing us to live in the darkness of prison. ERION BRAÇE

In his closing argument, the prosecutor asked the court to find Vilson Ahmeti, Agron Saliju and Agim Tartari guilty and to sentence Vilson Ahmeti to two years’ imprisonment, Agron Saliju to eight years’ imprisonment and Agim Tartari to seven years’ imprisonment. The prosecutor’s closing argument is merely on paper: the accusations he made in the first session, with amendments for Judge Ilir Hoti, repeatedly refer to the same matters mentioned in the indictment. The prosecutor also dismissed the possibility of taking into account the expert examination and the experts’ scientific statements. Lawyer Sanshaku described the prosecutor’s claim as unsupported by evidence and contradictory in every part. “In his closing argument, the prosecutor presented what he himself believed, not what the evidence showed,” Sanshaku said. At 12:40, the court in Tirana resumed … as Agim and the prosecutor’s “Sandali Arsadini.” In this announced proceeding, the first judge was Marku. From the outset, the prosecutor and the defence lawyers said that this case had been placed on the “table of crime and …”? Vilson Ahmeti, Agim Tartari and Agron Saliju. The final part of the overturned table reveals even more … The prosecutor presented information concerning representation, corruption and abuse, while Ahmeti and his associates were accused of … ERION BRAÇE

The accusers are policemen, the witnesses are policemen, the experts are policemen. Who will deliver the verdict? Socialists are arrested according to predetermined lists A failure of today’s Albanian justice system — The accusers are policemen, the witnesses are policemen, the experts are policemen. Who will deliver the verdict? — Socialists are arrested according to predetermined lists — A failure of today’s Albanian justice system Yesterday, Krujë once again remained the stage for the continuation of the farcical trial staged against 13 detainees, arrested on the charge of holding an illegal gathering and demonstration in the city of Laç on August 14, 1993. The judicial examination was conducted by the panel previously presided over by Mr. Ançel Çeliku. The case continued with the questioning of nine more witnesses, who again were policemen. Witness Kola, a police employee, stated that he did not know the others present, nor did he know the detainee Dule. Asked by the prosecutor who had given him their names, he replied: “I don’t know anything!” He testified that the main people were not there. Witness Paloka stated that the gathering took place without police … He too testified that, apart from Arben Staka, he did not know the other two. The prosecutor’s next witness, Ali Brahimi, replied: “I too, when questioned about Staka, did not identify anyone else. In fact, I did not know him either, but my colleagues pointed him out to me and I caught him …; the names of the rally.” Witness Qoka testified that hundreds of people had been there on the day of the gathering. “These people here were arrested by chance. I did not see any of them do anything, or anything else, and I tell you I saw no …” In this statement, without …? The examining officer Dema did not know any of the 13 accused. He also told the court: “I have come to testify in this courtroom not because you summoned me, but on the orders of my superiors, who sent me here. In my role, they sent me here.” Kolë Çaka, commander of the Mamurras police station, explained how the incident unfolded and what the police did, but said he could not identify any of the defendants. Indeed, he stated that the people had been arrested according to lists. The questioning of the accused then continued. The defendant Arben Staka said: “I did not join the crowd. I was on the road by chance. They arrested me the next day. I don’t know any of those in this courtroom.” The defendant Shatri then said that they had caught him and taken him to the station, declaring that he had been in hospital. The defendant Gjon Neza said the rally was for … The PS defence in Laç explained all his actions, described his connection with the victim’s family and his efforts to help, the members of the police and the proceedings involving Mr. Agim Shehu. The head of the Krujë police, Gjon Kalaj, had told him: “You should … from the language of the … gathered all the communists of this …; this is also the reason for my arrest.” They stopped him on the road and took him to the station. “I think it was a spontaneous rally. People were indignant, and there were many men and women who were crying.” The prosecutor asked him leading questions, seeking answers that would portray Neza as an organizer. The defendant Shazimart said: “I don’t understand why I was arrested. Were they supposed to arrest … along with us, should the police have arrested the assistants too?” Meanwhile, Shqipën Can, chairman of the PS in Laç, explained that he had been in Tirana that day and had returned at midday. … … Also … the witnesses … policemen, experts … policemen. Who will deliver the verdict? The police witnesses … … “Zëri i popullit.” I went out again in the afternoon and made enquiries; I make enquiries every day because I am the chairman of the Socialist Party and a member of the district council. At 19:00 a car came and took me away. The fact is that two … ordered them to keep me there. His lawyer submitted several pieces of evidence concerning his activities, although he was accused of suspected illegal demonstration. Albert Xhudi, chairman of the Socialist Party of Mamurras, said: “I was not in Laç that day. I was arrested because the list had to be carried out. No witness has come forward to testify against me as a defendant. Someone says that I had kept my distance from the protest and the crowd, and that the police took me for no reason. I was at home.” The defendant Gjoka Pashj said: “Since a defendant cannot be accused of nothing without an actual event …” In the PS in Laç, after explaining all his actions, he described his connection with the victim’s family and his efforts to help, the members of the police and the proceedings involving Mr. Agim Shehu. The head of the Krujë police, Gjon Kalaj, had told him: “You should … from the language of the … gathered all the communists of this …; this is also the reason for my arrest.” ARDIAN MYSLIMI

One of Greek Prime Minister Kostandin Micotaqis’s closest associates, his double-duty adviser, General Nikos Grillaqis, has been handed over to the judicial authorities as the head of the so-called Greek “Futertëgj,” and could be sentenced to imprisonment for the operation to tap the telephones of the country’s political personalities. The scandal of telephone tapping by people close to the Greek prime minister came to public light at the end of May 1993, when the newspaper “Elefterotipia,” followed by other independent newspapers, published documents belonging to Kristos Mavriqis, an employee of the telecommunications service. According to Mavriqis’s statements, with the knowledge of the Greek prime minister and under the direction of General Grillaqis, he had systematically tapped the telephones of a number of the country’s political personalities, including opposition leaders and members of New Democracy. Among the names he mentioned was PASOK chairman Papandreu, former New Democracy chairman and former prime minister in 1981 Jorgo Rallis, the rebel deputy of that party Filipidhis Sivesiçi, and others. Mavriqis’s statements, which prompted responses and demands from New Democracy, were ultimately borne out by the investigations conducted. Some of those people are now facing charges. (Continued on page 2)