1. What were the country’s political and economic conditions when Italy granted aid to Albania? 2. In what situation was “food emergency aid” confirmed by the Italian government, and who were the prime ministers of Italy and Albania at the time? 3. Which Italian ministry has handled and handles the operations for the “food emergency aid” provided by Italy, and what procedures do they follow? 4. Regarding the appointment of “Levante Co” to handle the aid, who proposed it and when was this matter decided? What documents are there relating to this? 5. What role did Mr. Patricio Ciu play in appointing “Levante Co” to deliver the aid, given that he is now an adviser to Mr. Meksi? And Senator Grafini, one of the campaign’s propagandists for the DP? 6. Did the Italian side raise any objection to having the aid handled by “Levante Co”? 7. Which side set the prices of the goods that arrived as aid, and what procedure was followed for them? 8. Why, Mr. Blerim, did you not make all the documents relating to Italian aid in Albania available to the Special Parliamentary Commission? 9. Why, Mr. Blerim, did you insist on sidelining this Commission and having only yourself report to Parliament? 10. Why did you fail to comply with the requirements of the Law on the State Audit Service, point 6 of Article 6, and why were no minutes taken with the persons responsible named in your audit report, in order to verify their claims? 11. Can you tell us what the Italian legal rules and procedures are regarding their aid to poor countries? 12. Is there any information about shortages, misuse or misappropriation of goods received as Italian aid during the Nano government? If you know, how has this matter proceeded in relation to the subsequent government and up to the present? 13. Have you personally been involved, or have you helped, even indirectly, in matters concerning aid goods or loans received by our country; and if so, on what occasion and with what intentions? 14. Has your institution uncovered any documented cases of corruption that are being investigated? When do you expect to inform us, as Parliament? 15. Is there any difference between the current practice for delivering aid and the practice followed with “Levante Co”? 16. What do you know about the practice for delivering aid by the company “Ital - Trend”, appointed by the European Committee for this purpose in Albania? 17. What percentage of the “counterpart fund” from the sale of Italian aid provided free of charge has currently been collected into the state budget? 18. Do you think you dealt transparently and with legal accuracy with the problems and accusations you raised in your report during the interpellation session? 19. What documents have you received from Italian state and judicial bodies that directly substantiate the accusations you are making? 20. Have you left any other documents unexamined, apart from those in the files you also presented at the interpellation session? 21. What connection did Aleksandro Grafini have with the DP and Mr. Sali Berisha? 22. What do you know about the journalist Stefano Mensurati, who published the article in “Panorama”? 23. Do you consider it proper and normal to announce on television a request by a group of DP deputies for an interpellation session? 24. In your report you claim that the main part of the corruption practices has been uncovered, Mr. Is this perhaps an alibi? If not, why have you not sought the criminal prosecution of those who uncovered these practices and documents? 25. Did you know Hajdin Sejdia as a natural and legal person when he came to Albania and during the first months of his activities? 26. In drawing up the conclusions and accusations in your report, have you ever consulted representatives of the Italian Embassy in Albania? 27. The investigations conducted so far by the judicial authorities in Italy into aid provided to poor countries have uncovered nothing concerning corruption connected with Albania. Do you think this has been covered up by the Italian judicial authorities or state bodies? 28. Do you know, Mr. Blerim, why the Italian government violated the procedure for appointing the company that would deliver aid goods in Albania and agreed to appoint “Levante - Co”? 29. Do you have documents proving Hajdin Sejdia’s links with “Levante Co”, or are you making only assumptions and conjectures? If you do, why have you not shown them to the Special Parliamentary Commission? 30. Why, in your view, should the aid have been delivered by (Continued on page 2)

At around 21:00 on Saturday, 15.5.1993, I was returning from Berat to my home in the car of the Chairman of the Kuçovë Municipality, in which three other citizens unknown to me were also travelling. As I got out of the car in the centre of Kuçovë, [the text is damaged/unclear] and it is ordered that they answer before the law for this scandal. A few minutes later, the city order was communicated to me by the police force commander: if I did not accept the fine, I would be kept here for 12 hours, while he ordered the officers on duty to see—

— The DP’s new tactic for dividing the SP: the fight for “de-commu- nization” is being replaced by the fight to root out “socialist corruption” — The democratic processes in Albania, which aimed to establish a genuine European parliamentary democracy, prompted certain extreme right-wing political forces, inside and outside the country, to channel them in the service of their own interests. The headquarters that began to “look after” the Albanian democratic movement directed that, in the political struggle to defeat the PPSH, the most successful at first would be pragmatic, fanatical communists, who would later make way for those considered early democrats—that is, the Ballists and all the collaborators of the Nazi-fascists, who had fought against communism (in fact, against Albanians who fought with weapons in hand to liberate the country) during the Anti-Fascist War. In fact, something unexpected happened: some former pragmatic, fanatical communists of the Baleta, Berisha and Selami kind, in their first efforts to make themselves credible to their masters and to the right-wing democrats at home, urged that Albanian mafiosi be very harshly [unclear] after those same people had savagely overestimated the strength of the new political force, the Socialist Party, denouncing thousands of socialists for the sole reason that they had once embraced that ideology. Their political struggle against the democratic European socialist alternative. The struggle waged by the DP against the SP at first was very harsh, and [unclear] the struggle waged against the PPSH. This is explained by gathering Socialists, millions, and the crowd, while on their right-hand side they chose to [unclear] [?] ... a strong current in the field of Albanian politics. The right-wing extremists, protected by a spirit of revenge against the majority of the population and enlisted by certain overseas lobbies in the struggle to smash the SP, use a tactic they liked: “The fight to destroy communism in Albania.” This tactic was chosen as effective in the political struggle because all the evils of the one-party system were still vivid in people’s minds. Thus, in the DP’s propaganda, especially on RTV, nothing was said or written about alternatives intended to lead Albania out of the crisis into which it had fallen; only the past was discussed and written about. To ensure that this propaganda was directed solely against the SP, every possible effort was made; millions of dollars were spent in the strangest ways to convince Albanian public opinion that the Socialist Party was a thousand times worse than the PPSH! The climax came when ordinary SP members, admitted to the party after the elections of 22 March, and outstanding intellectuals of national and international stature, such as Dr. Tërëo Agolli, a socialist deputy at a very young age, were labelled by the DP press as criminals and bloodsuckers, as communists who had done nothing in their lives except suck the blood of this people for 50 years straight. Meanwhile, that same press portrayed former communists of the Baleta, Berisha and Selami kind, as well as Ballists such as Dosti, Butka, etc., as true angels of democracy! A truly dishonest political game. In the name of the fight to destroy communism in Albania, unimaginable destruction was wrought—destruction that even the Nazi-fascist occupiers could not achieve during the Second World War. The DP’s extreme anti-communism managed to destroy Albania, but it did not succeed in destroying the SP. This kind of anti-communism first of all distorts democracy itself. When thousands of Albanians who had taken part in DP demonstrations began to understand that the democracy for which they had cheered so enthusiastically was being designed and implemented simply as a settling of scores, targeting their uncles, brothers, cousins and friends as communists or ordinary, honest socialists, they began to break with the DP. More than half a million people refused to vote for the DP again in the local elections, as they had five months earlier, on 22 March. In record time, the revenge of the Ballists and other extremists, devised by certain foreign lobbies, seriously damaged the DP itself, which began to split and crumble. Not only Albania’s democratic forces but also prominent Albanian intellectuals at home and abroad rose up against this kind of DP anti-communism, warning the people that “extreme anti-communism is just as dangerous as fascism.” This historic appeal by prominent intellectuals, together with the strong reaction of Albanian democratic public opinion to the brutality of the far right—which, under the banner of anti-communism, seriously damaged social peace and national interests—led the Albanian extremists overseas, who pull the DP’s strings solely in their own interests, to change their tactics in the struggle to weaken, destroy and divide the SP. The new scheme for fighting the SP supposedly concerns corruption at the top of the SP. Why was such a tactic chosen at this particular moment in the political struggle against the SP? Today, public opinion is alert and deeply shaken by the daily facts published in the press, which point to extraordinary corruption at every level of the Democratic Party’s government. Apparently, those in power, aware... (Continued on page 3) the car in the centre of the town of Ura Vajgurore, where several police officers on duty were also present, a young man travelling in this car shouted, “Long live the Socialist Party.” Before I left, I saw the police officers approach the car, but I do not know how events unfolded after that, as I had already left; I also went home, accompanied by chance by a resident of the neighbourhood. At 24:00 (12 midnight), police officers came to my house and forcibly took me to the police station. After the arguments that took place, I was supposedly to be fined for provoking the police and for having taken part in the car journey during which “destabilizing” and “anti-democratic” slogans were shouted. I refused to pay the fine, but insistently demanded to know why I was being taken by force— ... power, aware... to know why I was being taken by force— forcibly, and that the [unclear] should answer before the court for this scandal. A few minutes later, the police force commander communicated a second order to me: if I did not accept the fine, I would stay here for 12 hours. He ordered the officers on duty to isolate me in a room by myself, cutting off every kind of communication, despite my protests, while I was [unclear] by the police, one of whom had a submachine gun. Chairman of the Commune of Posh njes, Berat VEHBI DOKSANI, Chairman of the Commune of Posh njes, Berat

(According to a conversation with two employees of the “DIBRA” café in Shkodër) Café “Dibra” is located among the commercial [unclear] in the centre of the city of Shkodër. The activity of this premises as a café began in 1980, when, according to a design, it was renovated and adapted to the architectural characteristics of the Dibra region. This was the first such establishment on the National Exhibition of Folk Culture street, where, as is known, all the premises along this street incorporate the characteristics of each region of our country. Until then, the premises in question had been a [unclear] and a unit producing semi-finished goods. Today, this premises, converted into a café, has been privatized. Here is what two employees of this café told us in an informal conversation: “We bought this premises in accordance with the laws that were passed. There are five of us working together, since we worked here before as well. So when the enterprise was privatized, this premises was given to us. We try to work and serve properly, with or without fixed hours, and we want to provide for our families. But now, only a few months after we went private—and, so to speak, before we had properly enjoyed the fruits of this change—people come to our door as if they were the owners and demand that we vacate the premises, on the pretext that it belongs to someone else. And what is even more astonishing is that it is not just one person who comes, but five different citizens; four of them say, ‘We have the title deed to this premises.’ The fifth says, ‘I don’t have the title deed,’ and instead presents a photograph which, according to him, shows his father working in this premises sometime in the past.” We are in a difficult position; we don’t know what to do or whom to believe. They wave before us the law recently passed by Parliament on the return of land and commercial premises ... (Continued on page 4)

— In aid of the State Audit Service — 1. Did Ajdin Sejdia finance the Valias strike to bring down the Nano government? 2. Why does Gëzim Kalaja “lick up to” the present government? 3. What is the “Joint Bank” between ILIRIA HOLDING SA and the DEMOKRACIA mine of Valias? 4. Did Ajdin Sejdia finance the Democratic Party? Did the DP receive cars and other vehicles from Iliria Holding? (Reply to Mr. Hajdari) 5. Did Blerim Çela work on preparing the accounts of the Iliria Holding company? 6. Who are Ajdin Sejdia’s other friends in Albania? 7. Why was Ajdin Sejdia extradited by the current Albanian state? IN THE COMING ISSUES YOU WILL READ: FACTS, DOCUMENTS, COMMENTS ON THE ABOVE PROBLEMS

- The “successes” of the Democratic Party in power - - Figures from the Institute of Statistics and the Ministry of Labour and Social Support for May 1993 - Total unemployed: 454,000 Of these, receiving assistance: 357,000 Seeking work for the first time: 97,000 Employed? (figures not provided) Receiving assistance by district: 1 - Berat 13,800 PEOPLE 2 - Bulqiza 3,375 » » 3 - Delvina 3,092 » » 4 - Devolli 1,075 » » 5 - Dibra 9,200 » » 6 - Durrësi 20,115 » » 7 - Elbasani 25,410 » » 8 - Fieri 24,947 » » 9 - Gramshi 3,673 » » 10 - Gjirokastra 5,694 » » 11 - Hasi 8,893 » » 12 - Kavaja 8,383 » » 13 - Kolonja 2,785 » » 14 - Korça 16,939 » » 15 - Kruja 7,553 » » 16 - Kuçova 3,281 » » 17 - Kukësi 6,630 » » 18 - Laçi 9,450 » » 19 - Lezha 7,267 » » 20 - Librazhdi 5,322 » » 21 - Lushnja 18,112 » » 22 - M. Malësia 1,450 » » 23 - Mallakstra 1,137 » » 24 - Mati 7,600 » » 25 - Mirdita 4,120 » » 26 - Peqini 2,114 » » 27 - Pogradeci 8,250 » » 28 - Puka 3,019 » » 29 - Saranda 5,020 » » 30 - Skrapari 5,231 » » 31 - Shkodra 28,805 » » 32 - Tepelena 3,490 » » 33 - Tirana 56,219 » » 34 - Tropoja 4,954 » » 35 - Vlora 21,054 » » Total 356,980 » »