As part of the attacks being made today against the chairman of the Socialist Party, Fatos Nano, there is the claim that he had close “friendly” ties with Hajdin Sejdia and therefore “granted him concessions,” etc. The document we publish today shows the opposite. It is a telegram demonstrating that, contrary to what is being said, Hajdin Sejdia and his company “Iliria Holl-ding” helped bring down the Nano government after the elections of 31 March 1991. The telegram from the Valias hunger strikers was sent to Hajdin Sejdia from Durrës on 25 June 1991, a few days after the resignation of the Nano government. Exhausted by the hunger strike, the strikers had gone on vacation “to the camp in Durrës.” They thank Hajdin Sejdia and his representatives, who “were there for us from the very first days of our strike.” The telegram on their behalf bears the signature of Refik Mane Nushaj. The question arises: in what way were representatives of the Iliria Holding company there for the strikers? They are not doctors looking after their health. Nor are they journalists who supported the strikers through articles about the strike in the press. They were directors and managers of the “Iliria Holl-ding” company. So what services did they provide to the strikers? The most accurate answer would be: Iliria Holl-ding financed the hunger strike to bring down the Nano government. Another fact also points to this. The hunger strikers are resting at a camp in Durrës. Who paid for their vacation, and why did representatives of Iliria Holding go to Durrës to hold “warm” and “brotherly” talks with the hunger strikers? Simply for humanitarian reasons? One more fact. A short time later, these same strikers went on vacation to Greece. Who paid for these vacations? At the time, “RD” declared that the strikers’ vacation had been paid for by the Greek side. What is the truth? Finally, it must be emphasized who inspired and where the hunger strike of the Valias miners was instigated. Everyone knows that this strike was inspired and fully supported by the Democratic Party in its efforts to bring down the Nano government. People still vividly remember the frequent visits by DP deputies to the strikers, as well as the party’s statements in support of them. It therefore emerges that by supporting the hunger strike, Hajdin Sejdia supported the Democratic Party. Further documents on this will be published soon. In the next issue you will read: How did the independent miners’ union repay Hajdin Sejdia’s “honor”? What are the joint bank Iliria Holding SA and the Valias mine? TELEGRAM To Mr. Hajdin Sejdia President of the company ILIRIA HOLDING s.a. Tirana By means of this telegram, we, the 49 hunger-striking miners, together with all the citizens of the Tirana district confined in the depths of the Valias mine, thank you and your representatives here in Tirana, Dervish Kukleci, Petraq Gramo and Ibrahim Pozhari, of our strike. We also thank them for the warm, transparent and brotherly conversation they held with us here at the camp in Durrës. We assure you that, in all your economic activities for the good of our nation, you will always have our moral support. THE HUNGER STRIKERS OF THE COAL MINES OF THE TIRANA DISTRICT 25 June 1991 Durrës

In recent days, the chairman of the Socialist Party of Albania, Fatos Nano, held separate meetings with the ambassador of Hungary, Mr. Poka; the ambassador of Romania, Mr. Miku; the ambassador of Germany, Mr. Vollers; the ambassador of France, Mr. Fordhe; and the ambassador of Italy, Mr. Forestal. At these meetings, Fatos Nano briefed the ambassadors on the tense political situation in the country, especially in recent times, and on the dangers it poses to the fate of democracy in Albania. The economic and social situation has deteriorated further, and broad sections of the population are increasingly expressing their dissatisfaction and concern about democracy being endangered by revanchism. The pervasive intolerance of the forces in power continues, as does their refusal to engage in broad dialogue, solidarity and fruitful cooperation. Under these circumstances, following several shamefully failed scenarios by certain lobbies inside and outside the country, other scenarios are being prepared with the aim of eliminating a political force with authority and an ever-growing reputation, namely the Socialist Party. During these conversations, the ambassadors expressed their views, and the appropriate understanding was reached. Meetings with other ambassadors are continuing. Press and Information Office of the SPA.

On the grand boulevard, people turn their heads and stare in astonishment, wondering where the “Donika” restaurant has gone. Its glass “eyes” have been covered by an iron curtain, entirely cloaked in the cobwebs and dust of 50 years. The former owners [text unclear] the shutters, driving the establishment’s employees out of their own workplace. Earlier, the former owners put a padlock on the premises in the “Bashkimi” newspaper building and are guarding it, waiting to see the reactions everywhere. In groups, the former owners have [text unclear] the premises on Kavaja Street and elsewhere. It is noteworthy that this “seizure” is taking place while the Free Traders’ Association has taken the law on “compensation and the return of property to former owners” to court, at a time when the necessary legal framework has not been completed. Indeed, such an act openly defies the position of Prime Minister Meksi, who reassured the new owners at a meeting with them, promising to review that law. In any case, the government, through the local authorities, turns a blind eye and a deaf ear, perhaps bearing in mind the popular saying: “the government catches the hare with a cart.” Yesterday was the day of the shutters, and the former owners are “optimistic” about a few easy victories they have scored with premises that have state status. We shall see what happens next. SH. M. [Fragmentary text:] …a press, according to their schemes, [and] political views. According to one member of the newspaper, who refused to be identified, part of the newspaper’s staff supports Nikole Lesi. The latter decided to remove Azem [text cut off] from his position as chairman of the Publishing Council. At the beginning of this year, following the arrest of Mr. Fra-ngaj. One thing is now clear: Nikollë Lesi will face strong opponents even within his own ranks, whom he himself accepted onto the staff.

Yesterday, the newspaper “Koha Jonë” was not published. Our correspondent looked into the matter because, by all indications, the paper’s failure to appear resulted from serious conflicts that broke out on Tuesday between Azem Hajdari, in his capacity as chairman of the Publishing Council of the newspaper “Koha Jonë,” and Nikollë Lesi, as owner of this private newspaper. But Mr. Nikollë Lesi “explains” that yesterday’s issue was not published because of faults at the “Mihal Duri” printing house in Tirana. At the printing house, we were told that there had been no faults. It remains possible that Nikollë Lesi was trying to evade the truth about the serious conflicts that erupted at the newspaper after Azem Hajdari became head of the Publishing Council. Nevertheless, the matter is real: on Tuesday, a lengthy meeting continued until 10:30 p.m. in the newsroom of this private newspaper. It is also said that, in a fit of anger, Mr. Hajdari struck Nikollë Lesi, threatening him: “I’ll make the newspaper ‘Koha jonë’ whatever I want. I’ve come to create a press outlet according to my political schemes.” According to one member of the newspaper, who declined to be identified, part of the newspaper’s staff supported Nikollë Lesi. The latter decided to remove Azem Hajdari from the post of chairman of the Publishing Council, since Hajdari wanted the newspaper “Koha jonë” to become pro-President Berisha—or, more accurately, a presidential newspaper—fighting on both fronts: the socialists and the right, according to Berisha’s interests. Azem Hajdari is said to have prepared a strong statement against Nikollë Lesi, which the newspaper’s own staff would scarcely be able to publish, since it is highly offensive and defamatory and full of insults directed at the “KJ” journalists. It remains interesting to see how Tomor Dosti, Baleta and several others will react after the bitter Lesi–Hajdari conflict. In all the conflicts so far at this independent newspaper, N. Lesi has come out the winner, both in his dealings with the unions and with those minor members of the newsroom who have sought to change the newspaper’s course according to the schemes of various politicians. But this time the confrontation seems stronger, since the position of the newspaper’s acting director, Mr. Spartak Ngjela, has not yet been made known. Nikollë Lesi appointed him at the beginning of April staff.

One day in March, the chairman of the DP in Tepelenë, Mr. Tomor Xhani (former… One day in March, the chairman of the DP in Tepelenë, Mr. Tomor Xhani (former … in his circle), [summoned/approached] three officials: Mr. Spero Londo, Director of the Coal Beneficiation Plant in Memaliaj; Mr. Qemal Mita, Director of the Construction Enterprise; and Mr. Gëzim Memlika, Director of the Agro-trading Enterprise – Zëmënj [?]. “Soldiers,” he said, “the Party needs military-financial assistance for the FRD Conference …, Democratic ….” For a moment, assistance was being sought… And they consulted together… But Mr. Tomor quickly understood that, for Mr. …, it was a small matter… [text partly illegible]. There has not been two weeks [text unclear] the Party, On the same date, 25.3.1993, each completed their payment orders, donating 90 thousand lekë to the DP, earmarked to sponsor the FRD Conference. Mr. Londo, with transfer No. 180 834, “sponsored” it with 50 thousand lekë; Mr. Mita, with transfer No. 314 252, with twenty thousand lekë; and Mr. Memlika, with transfer No. 249076, with twenty thousand lekë. “Did we sponsor it with state money?!” Our friends’ contribution was not in vain. They say that all three directors accepted the Conference as an “honor” for the FRD. Not only that, but each was sent an invitation for 18 March to attend the entertainment gathering. As for Mr. Tomor Xhani himself, he [text illegible]… …[text unclear] at the dinner held in his honor at Uji i Ftohtë. Law No. 7502, dated 25.7.1991, states in Article 24: “Financial and material assistance to political parties from public entities of the country is prohibited”; but Mr. Londo, Mr. Mita and Mr. Memlika do not care about that. There are no laws for DP directors; for them, there is only arrogance. Down with the law! The Presidium of the Tepelenë District Council has referred the matter to Mr. Blerim Çela, Chairman of the State Control Service. It is awaiting his “legal” response. BAKE AJAZI Tepelenë

(To the press, for the information of the President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha; the Speaker of the People’s Assembly, Mr. Pjetër Arbnori; and the Prime Minister, Mr. Aleksandër Meksi) Hundreds of people denounce a shameful deception. We, the residents of Neighborhood 18, witnesses to the tragic killing of the 28-year-old Romeo Gaçe, whose body we carried on our shoulders at his funeral, convinced that we were carrying a man who owed nothing to this society, are extremely outraged by the disinformative stance taken by radio and television in their account of this incident. We were at home watching the television magazine at 8 p.m. on 18 May. Suddenly, we heard the public order spokesperson’s report about the killing of the young Romeo Gaçe. In a few lines—we do not know in what offices those intrigues were woven—a major deception was presented, attaching undeserved epithets to the young man from our neighborhood and turning him almost into an ordinary criminal. No, we could not help shouting loudly in our homes: “How far can this deception go? The police kill you today and think nothing of it, then leave you with a huge stain on your name.” Nobody told us to, but those human, civic and democratic feelings, those feelings for the truth, brought all of us out into the streets of the neighborhood. Not just one or two, but around 800 people came out into the street with a shared intention: to denounce this shameful deception immediately. First, we wrote to request a meeting with the mayor of Korçë, Mr. Glengji Gjonko, who is also a resident of our neighborhood. We managed to meet him and spoke with him by telephone while he was in his office. “I too am concerned,” he said, “about this information. For further details, go and ask the public order authorities for an explanation.” And so, united as we were, and with our numbers growing, we headed to the public order building. We asked to meet the head of public order. We were told that a delegation from among us should go to meet him at the police building, which is far from the public order building. We insisted that he come here, because there were many of us and only one of him. But he did not appear. So we chose a delegation of eight people. As soon as our delegation entered, it was struck by how thoroughly the premises had been filled with police officers and “sampists.” The meeting was attended by the head of public order in Korçë, Mr. Butrint Roshi, and other people. Our representative, Mr. Kiço Qafëzi, asked Mr. Butrint who had provided the information on television and radio that the victim was a thief and carried a knife, and asked for explanations about the disinformation and the rest. He replied: “We did not provide this information; it was given by the expert group from Tirana that investigated the case.” While we were speaking with the head of the public order branch, the Minister of Public Order called and asked what was happening in Korçë, apparently having received information about this protest. Mr. Butrint told him: “I have a delegation of residents here; they are good people, ordinary citizens; nothing out of the ordinary is happening. I will speak with them and inform you.” After that call, there was another one from the deputy minister, who asked to speak with one of the representatives. In a conversation with Kiço Qafëzi, he said: “You are grieving the loss of your resident.” Our representative retorted: “Why was this disinformation issued by your side? If you want Korçë to restore order, being a cultured city, then within 2–3 days…” (Continued on page 2)

WHAT IS BLERIM OF THE STATE CONTROL SERVICE DOING? Women at the Korçë carpet factory warn of a hunger strike WHAT IS BLERIM OF THE STATE CONTROL SERVICE DOING? Women at the Korçë carpet factory warn of a hunger strike – All 600 employees lock the personnel office doors. – Director Nikoleta Dhimitri whistles and refuses to face the employees. And here is why: – 170 ml [text unclear] worth 28 million lekë have disappeared – corruption by the enterprise’s management. – Production is halted for lack of washing solution. The union worker Valentina Zoja of BSPSH promises to bring the solution, while the director remains silent because she wants to close the enterprise and put the workers on assistance. – Work is halted for 22 days because of a shortage of oil, and director Nikoleta (Shpata, as the workers call her) [text unclear] “with your child you glare at me; you can’t do anything to me.” – There is raw material from the European Community, and companies producing rugs, “KELATY” and “ONDULAN,” want to open up jobs, but bureaucrats are obstructing them. – The enterprise director proposes putting the workers on assistance; the district committee and the industry administration do not approve. Assistance is a veil to cover up corruption. – A vehicle carrying goods leaves without an invoice. The guard stops it, and the director dismisses him for this – the shopkeeper [text unclear] again. – The head of planning, Neta Kero – [text unclear] of the director’s corruption. – There have been 3 dismissals from November 1992 to today: two [text unclear] and one because of… (Continued on page 2)