- Who has Arsidi’s dollars? [?] - Who stole them from the people? - How did he steal them and where did he take them? Listening to the interpellation by the group of deputies representing the Democratic Alliance Party in the Albanian parliament, with the Governor of the Bank, Mr. Lir Hoti, one immediately notices a new position on the Governor’s part. Unlike the question session held some time ago in parliament, when Mr. Hoti seemed somewhat more confident, at the interpellation he had made many corrections to his position. Whereas earlier he tried to postpone or dismiss the existence of the problem, now it emerges that he knows something about the matter of the 1.6 million dollars stolen “in one go.” But in his answers after being questioned by Mr. Imami, something else also emerges: Mr. Hoti now knows that many other people, from all sides, also know the truth. He even let slip that he is convinced this truth will come out very soon. This is also the source of his new position: to defend himself as much as he can. But... unfortunately for him, he is completely disarmed. At a moment of despair in the face of the accusing truth, Mr. Hoti said: “Chance brought me here; let chance take me away...” A fine expression of evading responsibility. But Mr. Hoti has not understood, or does not want to understand, that he is no longer caught up in a vortex of chance. Chance may have drawn him into that vortex, from which it is difficult to emerge without laying all one’s cards on the table, including the ace of hearts. It is no “coincidence” that someone took 1.6 million dollars. It is no coincidence that the operation was carried out on the eve of the 22 March elections. It is no coincidence that the payment was made in violation of the law. It is no coincidence that the “main hero” of the adventure decorated the President of the Republic after the elections he won. It is no coincidence that those people who could speak the truth were silenced... Can you see, Mr. Hoti, how far your “chance” is from the vortex you have entered? Mr. Hoti also openly declared that the card proves the theft took place. Mr. Hoti acknowledged that the payment was made by the Commercial Bank and was entered in the accounts four months later... But another very interesting detail is also known... The basic documents relating to the entire theft operation were thrown onto the table by those who are now in prison, a few days before they were arrested. Why, one wonders? As a call for a compromise? It is more likely that they were made public as revenge against those who ordered and profited from the theft of 1.6 million dollars. What are they trying to achieve with this? Mr. Hoti declares: “My hands are clean,” but it is quite clear that his conscience is not at peace. He is protecting someone without being sure he will succeed. But whom is he protecting? Those beneath him or those above him? It is perfectly clear: those below him are now in prison, and Ilir Hoti has nothing left to protect them from. As for those above him, we know where they keep their decorations, but not where they took the dollars. The Observer

Who are Hajdin Sejdi’s friends? .... - Blerim Çela can hardly contain himself in his eagerness to help Mr. Sejdia and... the Valias miners. - Mine director Shpëtim Kabashi accuses Prime Minister Ahmeti of dragging his feet. Here, then, are Sejdia’s true friends, those who liked him because he attracted them as a businessman, but who were also involved in intrigues to seize power. They climb the hierarchy’s steps from the director of the Valias mine, Shpëtim Kabashi, to the chairman of the independent trade unions, Gëzim Kalaja; from Blerim Çela (who has become as ubiquitous as red money) to knock this time on the door of Mr. Meksi, newly made Prime Minister. In the excerpt from the minutes of a government meeting that we are publishing, Blerim Çela urges Prime Minister Meksi to establish the joint Holding bank at a time when the Prime Minister had not yet had a chance to settle into his chair. What is behind this haste, like that of a thief? Apparently, Hajdin Sejdia has put a noose around the necks of his associates and is demanding tribute which, as the documents show, is the help he gave in bringing down the Nano government. Like the mafioso he is, he is in a hurry to profit as much as possible, bringing in his associate Blerim Çela for this purpose. Another question arises: what is Blerim Çela seeking with the joint bank, when he is neither Minister of the Economy and Finance nor a bank governor nor a banking specialist? The only direction in which this line of reasoning leads is close cooperation between them, which during that feverish political period could only have been political. Indeed, in his intervention at the government meeting, Blerim Çela openly acknowledges that the promise was made not only personally but also as a matter discussed at the “National Council of the Party.” The Party has begun dictating to the state while it is still in its infancy, and Hajdin Sejdia has managed to tie its legs securely before it can grow up. Let us follow the documents. Excerpt from the first meeting of the “Meksi” Government: “...and while the Caretaker Government failed to consider and approve the establishment of the Joint Bank ‘Iliria Holding’ SA” with the democracy mine at Valias, Mr. Meksi’s Government, at its very first meeting after receiving a vote of confidence from the new parliament, added to the Government’s agenda—at which the director of the Valias Mine, the “Democrat” Mr. Shpëtim Kabashi, had also been summoned—we are publishing several sentences from that discussion. Mr. Aleksandër Meksi: Do the gentlemen have any objections, opinions or suggestions regarding the establishment of this Bank...? Mr. Blerim Çela: I think we should hear the mine director, because he knows its problems and the workers there are waiting; we have also promised them that we would give them [something]. The mine director (Mr. Shpëtim Kabashi): Despite our insistence, we Do the gentlemen in government this Bank? This matter was left for us to decide, but there is nothing we can do... (raises his hands). Mr. Blerim Çela: I think I should do something else at the mine, because he knows its problems and the workers there ask them, since we have also promised that we would do it for them. The mine director (Mr. Shpëtim Kabashi): Despite our persistence and the meetings we have held with Prime Minister Ahmeti, never... (Continued on page 4)

In Durrës A few days ago, another grave and tragic event once again shocked the entire public of the city of Durrës. The young Astrit Çeka was killed on the premises of the “Adriatik” restaurant, for reasons that have not yet been established. Eyewitnesses say he was killed during a quarrel with A. Hasani and his friends. It is common knowledge that A. Hasani has previously been convicted several times for crimes and is known throughout the city of Durrës as a criminal. After the incident, the young Astrit Çeka was transported to the city hospital. From there, following intervention from Tirana. Because of the serious injuries caused by blows to the head, he died. Although this tragic incident has deeply upset the family of Hasan Çeka and has greatly stirred public opinion in the city of Durrës, the law-enforcement authorities have made no discoveries concerning the incident. Although Albanians remember this very well, it is worth reminding them that today’s rulers promised them the heavens, that America would turn Albania into a paradise, that Albania would become Switzerland, that welfare assistance would be temporary, that during the period of assistance vocational training courses would be provided and two or three jobs would be offered to them, etc. The assistance period is coming to an end. People do not want pity; they are waiting for work. There is no work... Under these conditions, the state issues a law intended to prevent Albanians from going out to beg in the streets. Today even begging has become very difficult! BEQIR SKRELI

Very reliable sources in Athens report that, after Prime Minister Meksi failed to achieve any of his aims regarding intergovernmental relations with Greece, he asked his Greek counterpart Micotaqis for a favour for himself. At the very least, Meksi reportedly begged Micotaqis: “Use your influence and authority to grant me personally economic refugee status, because as soon as I have a government within Albania’s borders, there will be no job for me.” Micotaqis has not secured it for him, but has given him hope that he will exert a positive influence, also because Meksi is from Labova e Gjirokastrës, a place viewed and treated favourably by the Greek state. Finally, it is said that Meksi left the Greek Prime Minister’s secretary two small photographs and his personal identity card. The Minister of Unemployment, Mr. Dashamir Shehi, will take charge of the operation as it proceeds. Thus Prime Minister Meksi will be the first economic refugee of the Meksi government. THE INFORMANT

In yesterday’s issue of RD, prominently on the front page, Mr. Azem Hajdari is defended; he has apparently been accused by “Zëri i popullit” of being responsible for the “theft” of the KJ newspaper. We cannot make out who is concerned and has issued this statement: Mr. Hajdari himself, the DP, or RD, since the article is unsigned. This is where the speculation began. Mr. Hajdari can be ruled out as the author, since he has no reason to hide his identity. It is hard to believe that some “red” person at one of RD’s newspapers is responsible, because in several previous issues there has been no criticism of Mr. Hajdari in this newspaper. Could it be the Party taking his side? Here the question splits in two: which group—the united group that took Azem to court, or the moderate wing of the new political initiative? Or is it an order from above, from the President? But why would the problem be so weighty that the President himself would be interested? In any case, the possibilities rise and fall until only a vacuum remains, giving rise to the biggest speculation: Who is actually being protected—Azem Hajdari, or is there a mission behind him that must be carried through to the end, using all the “democratic” avenues and even threatening Nikollë Lesi? How strange: the newspaper “Koha Jonë” is coming to resemble a nest that welcomed the cuckoo’s chick into its home. In any case, let us wait for Mr. Hajdari and Mr. Lesi themselves to make public statements. SHKELQIM DEVOLLI

Iliria Holding SA H S TIRANA No. 14... prot. Tirana, 28.01.1992. Confirmation TO THE “DEMOKRACIA” COAL MINE – VALIAS Tirana Iliria Holding SA, as a contracting party to the contract for the establishment of the Joint Albanian-Swiss Bank “SWISS ALBANIAN - ILIRIA BANK (SAI BANK)” in Tirana, concluded on 28.01.1992, undertakes, within five days from the date of signing this contract, to draw up the contract for the establishment of a brick-manufacturing plant and the construction of apartments as a joint venture of the Valias Mine and Iliria Holding SA. At the same time, Iliria Holding SA is obliged to draw up, within the same time limit, the statute of the above-mentioned joint venture. In this way, Iliria Holding SA begins the concrete fulfilment of the obligations declared in confirmation no. 9 dated 21.01.1992, given to the United Independent Miners’ Union of the Valias Mine, which is attached to this confirmation as an integral part thereof. For ILIRIA HOLDING SA THE DIRECTOR W. ZIDAR [signature and seal]

- To all press organizations - The Steering Committee of the Confederation of Trade Unions of Albania entirely refutes the article by Mr. Dylejman Karaj published in the newspaper “Rilindja Demokratike” on 19 May 1993, concerning the press conference given by the Chairman of the Confederation’s Steering Council, Mr. Kastrijot Muço. The inevitable distortion of the truth about this conference, the insults, abuse and vulgar, anachronistic language used in this article are the result of distortions in logic and argumentation; they are demonstrable attempts to conceal reality and to denigrate the Confederation’s lawful, proper and constructive activities in defence of the vital interests of workers. As for the figures presented, the Confederation has official documents bearing the signatures and seals of the relevant state bodies. The issues raised, the questions asked and the answers given were also filmed and recorded and can be viewed and heard by anyone who wishes. They have been published in full in the newspaper and can be read by anyone. Confederation of Trade Unions of Albania