History is not a cow for PD to milk as it wishes In the name of PD, parliament the independent legal framework that flows in an indifferent silence and the ordinary criminals. Pjetër Pepo of PP made the collaborators of the occupier into heroes and the dictionary used for liberation… “BALLI”, OF PD, AFTER LEAVING ALBANIA WITHOUT A DAY OF LIBERATION, REHABILITATES THE COLLABORATORS OF THE OCCUPIERS History is not a cow for PD to milk as it wishes • In the name of PD, parliament the independent legal framework that flows in an indifferent silence and the ordinary criminals. • Pjetër Pepo of PP makes heroes of the occupier’s collaborators and uses a vocabulary that is for liberation… • Will Pjetër Arbnori take on Beqir’s responsibility? It becomes clear that despite the discussion about a coalition with the right, then how did this happen back in the PPSh of yesterday? No, such treatment of it toward the resistance forces will create other conclusions. To be in line, as with what? At least that is the idea that is created. Further on, the author deals with the nationalism of the war period. However, if the PKSH in its tradition has had and has true patriotism, this cannot be denied either in Albanian nationalism. A symptom of a comprehensible confusion, but in a certain way strange, is that the author manages to say the following: “It remains clear that this movement was not an agent of Belgrade’s policy, because it is clear that the communists of Albania won the war with their own forces and not with the help of foreigners. However, we want to know…” The author then seizes on the issue of “taking power through terror” by the partisans, without understanding or without wanting to understand that power is not taken with flowers. Such mentality would also justify the occupiers. Indirectly he apologizes for them and exposes them. Here it is not about those isolated excesses that may have been committed by individuals in the waves of war, but about political and historical assessments. When it is said that “terror” was also exercised against the nationalists, it must be clarified which nationalists are being referred to, those who fought against the occupier or those who collaborated with him. The article mentions various organizations and figures. It speaks of the Allied Mission, of Abaz Kupi, of Mit'hat Frashëri, of Legaliteti, of Balli Kombëtar. But when the fundamental fact of a part of them collaborating with the occupier is hidden, then history is distorted. That is what is happening. By presenting them as victims of communism, their real role during the war years is forgotten. This is where conscious distortion begins. One can debate various issues of our national history, but the moral boundaries of the Anti-Fascist National Liberation War cannot be brushed aside with a stroke of the pen. Partisans and collaborators of the occupiers cannot be placed on the same scale. Nor can room be left for the rehabilitation of the latter. If in parliament, in the name of PD, attempts are made to legalize such a view, then the responsibility is political and moral. Will Pjetër Arbnori take on Beqir’s responsibility? This question arises naturally when one sees the silences and approvals. The problem is not only in one statement or one article. The problem is that a spirit is being built in which the past is treated according to the needs of the day. But history is not a cow to be milked whenever someone needs it. It demands truth, documents, and honesty of judgment. If we want true national reconciliation, it does not come through cleansing the biographies of the occupier’s collaborators, but through a correct understanding of history. The National Liberation War remains the moral foundation of the modern Albanian state and of national dignity. From the visit of Fatos Nano in Greece

The Constitutional Court case has declared several provisions of the law on taxation and punishment of former employees of the dictatorship unlawful, considering them contrary to the spirit of the Constitution. The decision has sparked numerous political and legal reactions. The author of the article notes that this is not the first case in which a law passed in haste or for political motives clashes with constitutional norms. Therefore, there are other such laws, which according to him should be reviewed seriously. The argument emphasizes that the rule of law cannot function on collective punitive provisions that infringe citizens’ fundamental rights. The Constitutional Court emerges as an institution that restores legal balance when power crosses the limits. The decision is also seen as a signal to parliament and the government to show more responsibility in drafting laws, especially when they affect broad social categories and sensitive topics of the transition.

From the fighting in Alikvendin, Poshtmlior “DEMOKRATIKE” were themselves waiting for this parliament To prove the claim that people who had taken part in a crime can appear before such an act is carried out, the author brings examples from parliamentary debate and from the behavior of the forces holding power. According to him, the democratic opposition is reaping the fruits of a policy it itself encouraged, turning parliament into an arena of insults, threats, and exclusions. He stresses that the climate created in the Assembly has seriously damaged the image of the institutions and has driven citizens away from trust in politics. A parliament built on revenge rather than dialogue ends in deadlock and degradation. The article is linked to developments in recent days and sees them as the result of a mistaken ruling spirit, in which the opponent is not treated as a political rival, but as an enemy to be eliminated.