There is nothing unreasonable here; on the contrary, there is complete logic in the fact that the leadership of the Socialist parliamentary group has remained “silent” in response to the statement by the comrades from Shkodër. It is enough to bear in mind what this leadership represents and how it has built its own identity. As is well known, this leadership has come about through several reconfigurations, first as one quarter, but taking with it as many members of the parliamentary group as possible, with the “argument” that this was being done for the good of the party, etc., but in fact driving that group into a very difficult situation. Even through the second reconfiguration, it found and took what had been most reduced there, in the group of deputies, and did so while continuing to serve itself rather than the group. In this respect, not only the leadership, but the Socialist parliamentary group as well, has become ridiculous, as it is becoming more and more so by the day. They have become ridiculous because, instead of dealing with the many vital issues of the country, they deal with squabbles, they deal with themselves, they deal with games that bring no honor either to the group, or to the party, or to public opinion. Since it was announced in the press that there are “factions” in the PS, it became clear that this was merely an invention to hide other intentions. Then came the story of the so-called “group of the 70s,” which in fact was used as a pressure tool, to create alibis and to build prearranged schemes. Later, insinuations were made about particular deputies, about expulsions, about divisions, about questionable orientations, about scenarios that have nothing to do with reality or with the interests of the party. All this was to cover up incompetence and the loss of authority. The comrades from Shkodër have every right to raise their voices. They have the right to demand clarity, because they have felt on their own backs where backstage games, unconsulted moves, and political adventures lead. They have understood that one can no longer move forward by hiding the truth, by shifting responsibility onto one another, and by trying to keep an entire party hostage to a few old and failed mindsets. Instead of a political response, with arguments and a willingness to reflect, silence was used. That silence is not a sign of wisdom. It is a sign of confusion and incompetence. It is the worst way to evade a confrontation with the truth. And precisely here the illogic of the statement by the steering committee of the PS of the Shkodër district becomes even clearer: not in the concerns it raises, but in the fact that it addresses a structure that has lost the ability to listen. Albanians today expect a responsible opposition, serious and honest with itself and with its electorate. If the PS wants to play that role, it must abandon the old schemes, internal intrigue, opaque decisions, and the spirit of exclusion. Otherwise, every statement it makes, however logical it may be, will run up against a reality that strips it of meaning. (continues on page 2)

Dr. KASTRIOT ISLAMI asks: 1. Can today’s Assembly adopt the new Constitution? The analysis of the number of deputies that is absolutely necessary for the approval of the new constitution and of the procedure that should be followed raises, in my opinion, several highly important issues. Although in public opinion the idea has spread that there is currently no need to adopt the new constitution, I believe this is a major misunderstanding. The new constitution remains an urgent necessity, because the Albanian pluralist democratic state cannot continue for long with temporary solutions, transitional provisions, and interpretations that leave room for arbitrariness. First of all, it must be clearly understood that a constitution is not merely a legal text, but the fundamental political contract of society. For this reason, its preparation requires not only numbers, but consensus. In such a situation, the question of whether today’s Assembly has the proper legitimacy for such a major act is entirely reasonable. On the other hand, it cannot be ignored that the current parliament emerged from general elections and exercises sovereignty through the mandate of its deputies. In that sense, it has the right to discuss and vote on the constitution. But legal right is not enough. Real political representation, broad participation, and transparency are also required. This is precisely where the need for a political solution arises. The adoption of the constitution cannot become an instrument of the majority against the minority. A constitution that does not include, does not listen, and does not create balances and guarantees for everyone risks being born incomplete. Therefore, more than the technical question of the number of votes, what matters is the process of building trust. If this process is lacking, then any formal outcome will remain contested. So I believe that yes, today’s Assembly can adopt the new constitution, but only if it is preceded by a clear political agreement, a serious public debate, and a sincere willingness to compromise. (continues on page 2)

- In the middle they split over the greatness of the foit - In recent days, accused by the opposition of their unconstitutional actions, the organizers of the failed coup d’état have been trying to present themselves as victims of political revenge. At the center of this debate is the former general Mehja[?], who for a long time has been presented as the strong man behind dark schemes and unlawful interventions in the country’s political life. In reality, his end is dishonorable not because his opponents struck him hard, but because he collapsed under the weight of his own mistakes. His career was based on the belief that force replaces law, that secret orders count for more than institutions, and that authority can be built on fear. That philosophy could only lead to failure. If today he tries to justify himself, to seek alibis and spread responsibility around, this only makes the moral emptiness of his figure more evident. Albania does not need generals who think in the language of backroom dealings, but institutions that function in the daylight. His case should serve as a lesson to all those who, in the name of order, violate the constitution and think that history can be manipulated endlessly. History may be delayed, but it never forgets. (continues on page 2)

The Albanian National Bank is in the hands of a group of international adventurers!? Who helped them enter through customs unchecked and get into the bank without verification? Questions about the situation created in the Albanian banking system are increasing every day. Various accounts are circulating about the role of certain foreigners, who have not only gained unusual access to our financial institutions, but according to many sources are exerting real influence on decision-making. The greatest concern relates to the Albanian National Bank, where it is said that a group of international adventurers has entered with inexplicable ease, passing through customs without the usual checks and entering the bank’s premises without the verification procedures applied to everyone else. The natural question is: who opened the door to them? Who authorized them? Who took it upon themselves to bypass the rules of security and institutional sovereignty? If these questions receive no answers, we have reason to suspect that behind all this lies not only negligence, but also deliberate collusion. Albania needs investment, cooperation, and expertise, but not the seizure of its institutions. Our country cannot be treated as a territory for questionable experiments, where certain individuals come and go without accountability and present themselves as saviors. (continues on page 2)

A sad piece of news from Krruma: 17-year-old Lu[?]im Muça drowns in a reservoir!

All members of the committee of the capital brig., branch 5881, military branch Durrës 12053, Monday at 9:00 a.m., are notified to hold the committee’s next meeting at the PSSH. The Presidency of the PSSH