STATEMENT of the steering committee of the PS in the district of Shkodër There was nothing accidental about the Republic President’s press conference concerning his position on the events in Shkodër. By now, as Mr. Sali himself acknowledges, he has decided to be realistic, to remove the veil of demagoguery that he had donned several times in his public appearances, and to speak openly as he thinks. Very well, let him be realistic, say what he thinks, and not speak one way and act another. At the press conference, too, he expressed his views on the events in Shkodër realistically; he and his party do not like the socialists, nor even the ideas of democratic socialism. However, he made a small mix-up: he attributed this dislike to the entire people of Shkodër. This is where the first mistake began, to be followed by other serious mistakes that no amateur politician would make. With the views he expressed about the events in Shkodër, President Berisha publicly declared that: 1. He denies political pluralism. Disregarding the 16,500 voters who expressed their support for the Socialist Party with their votes, Berisha attacks the second-largest party, which has considerable support in Shkodër. He denies this party the right to meet with its electorate. What would he say about the other parties, which received 1–2 percent of these votes? According to Berisha’s logic, they should be outlawed. 2. He divides Albania into compartments. He calls Shkodër a stronghold of democracy because some paid rally-goers demonstrate against the Socialist Party, contrary to the law, because some rally-goers and local officials acting as intermediaries, assisted by the security forces, seek to set citizens against one another and seek a pretext to achieve their aims by force— [columns continue, cut off at the bottom] The towns where socialist MPs met with their supporters, according to Berisha, are not democratic. Only where people curse, insult and attack socialists is there democracy! Democracy according to Berisha—which, translated into Albanian, means dictatorship. 3. He speaks in absolute terms about matters that are entirely relative. “The people of Shkodër do not like socialist ideas,” Berisha says. Who gave you the right to speak on behalf of Shkodër, Mr. President? Did those rally-goers and ordinary people who demonstrated illegally on June 18 in front of the «Republika» cinema give it to you? Apparently, they demonstrated with a blessing from above, at the order of their leader—but they do not represent the people of Shkodër, among whom there are thousands who like the ideas of European democratic socialism, because in them they see di- [column cut off at the bottom] ...you may keep the comma in principle. But on June 18 the local authorities, headed by Mr. Ali Kazazi and followed by Spiro Lito, whom Shkodër has known since childhood for his deeds, were busy with the illegal rally; they were at the head of the rally-goers and had no time to deal with escorting Shaqir and Namik to the offices. They were «seeing to it» that he received a «welcome» and had left tasks to that whole group of leaders who had come from Tirana. Apparently, they did not tell you this! Your answer at the press conference, we say with regret, left us with a very bitter impression of the state you have fallen into, because you spoke about the events in Shkodër from the standpoint of extremist, revanchist people who want fratricidal conflict and insult people’s feelings, who seek to cleanse their own reputations, who deny thought illegal on June 18 in front of the «Republika» cinema, who apparently demonstrated with a blessing from above, well, become their spokesperson—but speak for cherish the ideas of European democratic socialism, who see in them not dictatorship, but positive tendencies toward which the masses of millions of people in Europe, where we seek to go, are oriented today. 4. You separated Shkodër from Albania. If there are sympathizers of the Socialist Party throughout the country, why should there be none in Shkodër? You know perfectly well that there are, but you found a public opportunity to insult them, to detach them from the other socialists of Albania, to isolate them, so that they could more easily be targeted by your blue authorities, and so that those authorities could be justified in any measures they take. Do you intend to put the socialists of Shkodër in a ghetto, Mr. President? And one more thing: in your response about the events in Shkodër, you emphasized that Mr. Vukaj and Mr. Dokle, as state figures, should be accompanied by the local authorities. Straight and threats, detention and violation, the events in Shkodër from the position of extremist revanchists: people who want fratricidal conflict, who offend people’s feelings, who seek to humiliate individuals, and who deny the right to thought and organization in different political parties. At the beginning of the statement it was emphasized: «nothing accidental... May we be mistaken. Let what you said at your press conference be merely a slip of the tongue. We sincerely tell you: acknowledge this slip, because we will not embark on an analysis of democracy was the conclusion you gave about the events in Shkodër, but we are convinced that, ultimately, there is no democratic thought whatsoever in what you said. Finally, a suggestion, Mr. President: come to Shkodër and meet personally with members and sympathizers of the Socialist Party. We assure you that we will welcome you with all the honors due to you as president, and not with the kind of reception your party arranged for the Socialist deputies. The Steering Committee of the Socialist Party of the Shkodër District We protest to you against the revanchist positions you have taken recently toward — Shkodra, an institution that truly ought to be depoliticized. Specifically, regarding the event of June 12, in an extremely inflammatory report broadcast that day, Radio Shkodra refused to air the statement by the Steering Committee of the Socialist Party of Shkodër about the event. According to a conversation with the radio director, they told them that they would not allow any statement from the organizations of June 18, while on June 22 Radio Shkodra read out a statement by the chairman of the DP, Ernet Perdala, prepared by Zëri i popullit, which they had not received from the Socialist Party and its sympathizers for a number of reasons. Also, on June 24, in the news broadcast, Radio «Shkodra» read two statements: one from the organization of political veterans and one from the association «13 dhjetori». The very crude language used in the statement reveals the true face of its authors, whom both we and most of Shkodër know well. But we are surprised that it is addressed to the Marxists ... Radio Shkodra, to those who defend at an illegal rally a terrorist act that was planned to cause bloodshed in Shkodër. We regret that through this radio station an entire electorate is insulted and its distinctions are denied, especially those of its proud members, at a time when every means of mass communication, whether national or local, ought to promote national unity. We clarify that this incident puts the seal on the ongoing irresponsibility shown by Radio Shkodra toward the Socialist Party for a year and a half. Although the Socialist Party has its own members on the district and municipal councils, its statements and various greetings are often not accepted, while some announcements are left to the microphones simply to notify people about meetings; in connection with events, the number of their members can be counted on one’s fingers. We protest to you and ask you to take measures, not only by replacing the personal leadership of this institution. We do not know whether they are paid to persistently construct psychological pressure against the names of some Kosovar family, as they did on June 24 over [?]. We hope that this dead-end course will not continue for long, and that Radio Shkodra will not be an electoral organ, but will serve the truth and real information, with the culture and considerable abilities this ancient city possesses. The Steering Committee of the Socialist Party of Shkodër

1. Can the present Assembly adopt the new Constitution? At present, from a legal point of view, the Albanian state is based on the «Basic Constitutional Provisions» adopted through Constitutional Law No. 7491, dated 29.4.1991. Consequently, this law constitutes the legal core until the adoption of the new Constitution, and all work on its drafting, discussion and adoption will be based on it. Article 16, point 2, of these provisions clearly states: — The People’s Assembly has the following principal powers: “2. It adopts and amends the Constitution ...” On this basis, until this point of this article is repealed, the adoption of the Draft Constitution remains the sole prerogative of the People’s Assembly. If this article is not repealed, then adopting the Constitution in the People’s Assembly will imply that the Assembly not only currently represents the Albanian electorate but also possesses the necessary qualification to adopt this fundamental document. The very fact that the chairman of the Constitutional Commission and the Speaker of the Assembly insisted that “the draft Constitution was submitted by Parliament on time” clearly indicates the underlying prior assumption that the draft would be discussed in the Assembly. Likewise, the phrase “We, the representatives of the people of Albania...”, at the beginning of the material submitted by the group of specialists of the Constitutional Commission, reinforces the idea that it was initially envisaged that the Constitution would be adopted by the Assembly. Nevertheless, with the change in political relations, the idea of adopting the Constitution in the People’s Assembly has changed. Proposals to adopt the Constitution in a forum broader than the Assembly or to “seal” the Constitution through a referendum also existed last year, when the Constitutional Commission of the First Pluralist Assembly was at work. 2. How else could the draft Constitution be adopted? The worldwide experience of constitutional law shows that there are several ways to adopt a Constitution. Each of these democratic methods has its advantages and shortcomings; what matters is that, for a given state in given circumstances, the most appropriate method is applied. The sole criterion underlying the choice of the optimal option should be: “To adopt a long-lasting Democratic Constitution, aiming for this fundamental document to be supported by the broadest possible consensus. Any attempt to delay the adoption of the Constitution or to adopt a Constitution on the basis of purely partisan interests would create the conditions for a parliamentary crisis or for a short-lived Constitution.” Some of the options for adopting the Constitution are: a) Adoption of the Constitution by the People’s Assembly and its promulgation following a nationwide referendum. In the referendum, people could express their views on a fundamental issue, such as the form of the Republic, or on several issues. In this option, the Assembly, evaluating itself, believes that it has every capacity to carry out its historic mission, while the people accuse the Assembly of this self-assessment. If there is agreement between the two— [columns continue, cut off]

According to a report from a foreign citizen who does not wish to be identified, the National Bank of Albania refuses to exchange foreign currency. Specifically, on the morning of June 23, 1993, the foreign citizen went to the Bank counter and asked to exchange some Swiss francs, but the teller told him that there was no Albanian money and that there might be some around 12:00. To make his answer more credible, the teller added that they were selling dollars in order to collect Albanian lekë! The teller and another employee were even surprised that a foreigner would go to the State Bank to exchange currency when there are hundreds of self-proclaimed private “banks” around it in the black currency market, where a higher exchange rate is also offered. Through an indirect telephone conversation (via the secretary), the governor of the National Bank, Mr. Ilir Hoti, was also informed of these absurd actions; he said that they were dealing with high-level monetary policy. This is one of the many, and not accidental, paradoxes of the wretched transition. Therefore, in view of the above, foreign citizens should be advised to obtain Albanian lekë in their own country and come here to Albania with the foreign currency they need! “Lucky” us to have reached this day! The Observer

— A lesson for the other “generals,” too — In recent days, Major General Astrit Mehja was dismissed from his post as Deputy Minister of Public Order. Official sources offer no explanation for the reasons behind this dismissal, while other, unofficial sources link it to the power struggle currently taking place in the Albanian party-state. Mr. Mehja rose to senior positions in the Ministry of Public Order as the strong arm of former Minister Bashkim Kopliku, coming from the public-order branch in the district of Durrës. His nine years of work as an operative for the communist state security service in the district of Dibër did not prevent him from climbing the career ladder securely under the patronage of Deputy Prime Minister Kopliku. On the contrary, his compromised past was an added reason to devote himself zealously to implementing the DP’s policy in the public-order agencies. It was he who designed and implemented the “reform” of purges in the Ministry and in the public-order agencies. His direct actions as a state-security operative included efforts to violently suppress the Policantëve strike and the hunger strike at the Bulqizë mine. For these and other “merits,” by presidential decree he was awarded the high rank of “Major General.” It was the first such rank awarded to an employee of the public-order agencies. It seemed his career was secure. But after Mr. Kopliku was removed from the post of Minister of Public Order, it is understandable that Mr. Mehja’s position began to waver. According to unofficial sources, with the arrival of former wrestler Musaraj at the head of this Ministry, a new spirit, mainly one of radicalism and seemingly anti-Kopliku, began to blow through the Ministry of Public Order. Sooner or later, this “spirit” was bound to reach Mr. Mehja too. This is one unofficial version of the reasons for General Mehja’s dismissal from his post as Deputy Minister. In the absence of official explanations, we have the right to believe what we have said above. This is reinforced by the fact that Mr. Mehja’s dismissal was announced while Mr. Kopliku was on an official visit to China; observers interpret this as a snub by the current Minister of Public Order to his predecessor. If this is true, then it must be acknowledged that “Kopliku’s hand” is keenly felt in the Ministry of Public Order and beyond. The second official version of the Deputy Minister of Public Order’s dismissal is the one linking it to Mr. Mehja’s statement (Continued on page 4)

It has been more than 70 hours since 17-year-old Lulzim Muça lost his life in the Bërle reservoir in the municipality of Kruma, in the district of Has. His parents, relatives, friends and all the residents, stricken with grief, are waiting for the body of the 17-year-old to be found. But so far, all efforts have yielded no result. Perhaps it is necessary for the specialized state agencies to take the necessary measures, bring in teams of specialists and send them to the scene to help find the deceased’s body. Correspondent of «Zëri i Popullit»

OF GENERAL MEHIA

Public Protest General Directorate of Radio-Television. For the attention of: The Albanian Helsinki Committee

All members of the General Steering Committee of PSSh are hereby notified that a meeting of this Committee will be held on Monday, 28.6.1993, at 10:00. The Presidium of PSSh