In connection with 15 January, the second anniversary of the formation of FRESSH, 24 new members joined the ranks of the Socialist Party in the city of Berat in recent days, 19 of them young Eurosocialists. Meanwhile, we can say that more than half of the new members are unemployed and receiving assistance. “This is the time and the moment when the Socialist Party, with its strength and maturity, is standing closer to ordinary people, whom the reform has thrown out onto the street,” say the new members. In recent days, the good work and cooperation between the PS leaders in the district and the Eurosocialist forum deserve recognition; they are increasingly finding people alongside them, people who increasingly feel that the difficult economic situation has been created by the policy pursued by the current government. ED ISPAHIU

THE FOUNDATIONS OF A SECURE FUTURE REQUIRE THE RESPONSIBILITY OF ALL POLITICAL FORCES AND BROAD SOCIAL SUPPORT - True democracy requires respect for fundamental human rights and freedoms, and requires that the necessary space be given to the activity of opposition forces - Yesterday at 10 o’clock, the Deputy Chairman of the Socialist Party, Dr. Servet Pëllumbi, and the chairman of the parliamentary group, Namik Dokle, held a press conference in the party’s hall concerning the political situation and the state of human rights in the country. Journalists from the domestic and foreign press, as well as representatives of the diplomatic corps accredited in Tirana, took part. At the beginning, Dr. Servet Pëllumbi read the statement on Albania. Then Servet Pëllumbi and Namik Dokle answered journalists’ questions. Mr. Dokle, you have been accused of speaking out against Albania’s admission to the Council of Europe. What is your opinion of this accusation? A great deal of fuss has been made about the claim that Namik Dokle is preventing Albania from joining the Council of Europe. It is quite impossible for Namik Dokle to prevent Albania from joining Europe. This would mean that, if Slovenia was admitted after 17 months, Romania after 20 months, Hungary after 11 months, and Slovakia after 19 months, Albania would need at least two years to be admitted to the Council of Europe. There is an explanation for this. On 4 May, when Albania applied to be admitted to the Council of Europe, President Berisha also spoke in the Parliamentary Assembly and expressed truths; he spoke very well and was very well received by all the European deputies present. One of the questions put to Mr. Berisha was: “How will you build Albania in the post-communist situation?” The question came from a Spaniard, and Mr. Berisha replied: “We will take Spain as our example,” and the work was warmly welcomed by the entire Assembly. But Albanian reality has shown that Albania has not taken Spain as an example at all; on the contrary, human rights have been violated, the political rights of the opposition have been restricted, and the freedom of opinion of the Socialist Party has been restricted. At the meeting with the President of the Republic at the end of December, on issues that have been published in the press, what is your opinion regarding this repeated statement? Regarding the meeting we had with President Berisha, I would say that, although no concrete result was achieved, our message was approximately this: the message contained in today’s statement—the need for understanding, the need to defuse the situation in the country. That was our message, and that was what we conveyed to the President. So, although no concrete result was achieved, we have considered, and continue to consider, the spirit of the discussion with the President constructive. We would like dialogue in this spirit, irrespective of the result, to be useful. However, one fact concerns us: some small parties do not understand that they are making a fatal mistake by trying to add fuel to the fire by setting the two major parties against each other. I am referring to certain articles or party statements that speculate about the discussion held with the President and what was said during the conversation—this has subsequently this repeated statement? We are beginning 1994 not entirely without achievements and hopes, but nevertheless in an atmosphere of growing political tensions that threaten democracy, political stability, the normal progress of the transition to a market economy, foreign investment, and Albania’s integration into Europe. It is true that, in the current tense political climate, objective factors common to all political forces in the country play a role: the collapse of the communist totalitarian system and its economy, the difficulties of changing the system, the prolonged economic crisis, the external debt, and the lack of a pluralist democratic tradition and culture, among other things. But it is regrettable that other subjective factors are being added to these and are becoming the main source of political and social tensions. We mean serious distortions of democratic reasoning and practice. The situation is becoming more protracted as parties struggle mainly to secure their own “plot” in the political spectrum, seriously obstructing the creation of space for tolerance and civic understanding; for parties to sit at the table and jointly consider the country’s future and the reforms, which we regard as irreversible. The ruling party is crippled by the fixed idea of “absolute legitimacy” and therefore seeks to rule rather than govern, to sideline and effectively paralyse every kind of opposition, even parties with which it is formally in coalition. This logic has led it to deny diversity within its own ranks and to attack the opposition or political opponents harshly. Such an anti-democratic mentality, which is accompanied by euphoria, exaggeration and glorification of achievements, and silence about failures, has brought widespread popular disappointment, particularly in society—not only here, but also among the electorate. We stand for a spirit of understanding and cooperation, for a spirit of dialogue, because democracy is, ultimately, disagreement. Disagreements in a democracy are legitimate and necessary. But beyond this, there must be a shared will for dialogue, understanding and cooperation, at the various levels. Cooperation does not necessarily mean a coalition or alliance. Regarding the request, now made in the statement, for early elections in September of this year, I think you also have the support of the main political forces in Albania. In our statement, as well as in the positions we have taken so far, we have argued for the need for early elections as a constitutional means of achieving a new political solution that the country needs, in order to change the balance in parliament and, more generally, to give strength to the new balance that has emerged among the electorate. So [Continuation of the article; the source text is damaged and partly cut off] …spoken is quite impossible for Namik Dokle to prevent such a thing, just as it is quite impossible for Mr. Berisha himself to bring Albania into the Council of Europe. Albania’s entry into the Council of Europe is a joint undertaking by all Albanians, all of Albania’s political parties, and Albania’s social, economic and political life itself. It is a fact that Albania has been waiting longer than any other country at Europe’s doors. As is known, Albania’s application to join the Council of Europe was made on 4 May 1992, and Albania’s admission has still not been included on the agenda of the next meeting of the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly, which is to be held in January of this year. Are there any Zhirinovskys in Albania? I think there are none, nor can there be any Zhirinovskys in Albania, because Albania is so small and so powerless that it cannot make a leap, nor is it capable of challenging either the United States of America or Europe. Therefore, there will never be a Zhirinovsky. There is talk about discussions between delegations. The question is the same as that asked by the Spaniard and others. He replied: “We will take Spain as our example,” and has shown that Albania has not taken that example at all. Not only that, but human rights have been violated. Have the political rights of the opposition been restricted? Freedom of the press has been restricted, and most importantly, Albania still has no Constitution to guarantee all the mechanisms, whether for the separation of powers and especially the independence of the judiciary, or for other political rights and human rights. and practice. The situation is being prolonged because parties fight consider the fate of the country and the reforms, which we consider irreversible. The ruling party is riddled with Greek and Yugoslav influences. How has their government been established in Albania? Some people in Shkodër, concerned by reports about the poor having their livelihood taken away by the tankers, say that in Montenegro people have been interested in buying mainly kerosene that enters Albania from abroad. They also say that big shots in power are hiding behind the tankers, and not ordinary people as the government claims, after a flow of oil has been diverted. They say that Albania is governed by profiteers, while people are struggling to earn their daily bread. They ask where the sources are and where the goods are going. But what is astonishing is the profit made from disasters, while in summer there is still a need to obtain all kinds of things. And apparently fuel is sold only to those who have a licence is imported, and the tankers— [The preceding text continues in part, cut off and difficult to read] …Albania’s integration into Europe. It is true that other objective factors have played a role in the current tense political climate; they are common to all political forces in the country, such as the failure of the communist totalitarian system and its collectivized economy, the difficulties of building a new lack of a tradition and culture of pluralist democracy, etc. It is regrettable, however, that other subjective factors are being added, The situation is being prolonged because parties fight understanding, and preventing parties from sitting at the table to consider jointly regard as irreversible. The ruling party is crippled by speculation, backed by the state and party machinery. Meanwhile, the national wealth created by it is being illegally appropriated by a certain political group; unemployment and poverty are increasing, as is the number of people left behind by the reforms. “Shock therapy” has become a social and psychological shock for thousands upon thousands of Albanians. Institutionally, we are now living in a situation characterized by an obsession with having strong parties and weak democratic institutions. The country continues to be without a Constitution. Local government has been blocked by the administr- (Continued on page 2) for early elections as a continuation of constitutional means to achieve the political solution the country needs, in order to change the balance that exists in Parliament and, more generally, to respond So it is also a response to the electorate’s demands to change this balance in state institutions as well. Of course, we cannot impose this with the number of deputies we have in Parliament, nor do we seek to impose the idea of early elections. We present our arguments and our political alternative, which would respond to today’s reality and to the needs of Albanian democracy. Of course, this is also a message to the other political forces, which, as far as we know and from what we have followed and the opinions they have expressed in their press, have … their official position and the political reality. [?] Do you think the Socialist Party can form an alliance with the Democratic Party? Regarding a possible alliance with the ruling Democratic Party, I would say that this is not a question of an alliance or coalition, but of diversity within itself and of a strong and positive confrontation with political conditions. Such an anti-democratic mentality, whose own policy is characterized by demagoguery, the trumpeting of achievements and the concealment of failures, has brought mass disillusionment and the polarization of society—not only here, but also in the electorate. In reality, an increasingly powerful speculative group, backed by the state and party machinery, is on one side, while by a particular political group on the other; Albanians. (Continued on page 2)

- Big shots are hiding behind the tanker trucks - This is no longer a matter of a few barrels or canisters of fuel moving towards Shkodër and possibly crossing into Montenegro. In recent days, the transport of fuel in large tanker trucks has become almost commonplace, and they head throughout the district. It is evident that traders are making a business of it and arranging for it to cross the border. The fact that the competent state authorities claim to have organized several mechanisms to stop this trafficking draws attention. But the effectiveness of these bodies remains difficult to determine. At the same time, attention is focused on individuals carrying small quantities, while the tanker trucks go unnoticed. Specifically, during the operation at the refinery, the Shkodër police and the Shkodër police intervention unit encountered around 20 tanker trucks carrying fuel, which were moving with the involvement of organizers and other bodies for this purpose. It is mainly said that this “quantity” is substantial, but specifically, nothing has been learned except that further quantities pass through this route, with other people involved in the same manner and in the same way across the border—[?] There were no more than four tanker trucks in the convoy. Where did the others go? Meanwhile, we are informed that disagreements arose over the possibility of using them between the heads of the rapid intervention unit and an employee of the financial police, with the result that, in the end, the tanker trucks managed to leave. The financial police in Shkodër have announced the closure of several fuel-purchasing points which had licences. They have also announced that they are carrying out checks on the Buna River to uncover boats being used to transport fuel towards the border. But it is astonishing that our state authorities and the relevant departments have not taken this matter any further. The refineries need fuel to operate. And in Albania fuel is supposed to be sold only to those who have licences to trade it. So where are the main sources of supply for the “business at the foot of the hill”? Why are those who carry it out not being checked? Who are they? Or are there complaints here? The fuel is imported, and the tankers— Greek and Yugoslav license plates. in Shkodër who are concerned about those small [ones?], expressing [their?] anger that the poor have had their [unclear] cut off by the tankers, say that in Montenegro they have been interested in buying mainly diesel fuel that enters Albania from abroad. They also mention that people in power are behind the tankers, not [unclear] as we [unclear], after a flow of oil to [unclear]. They say that, with this, Albania is governed by [unclear]? But [it is] a power on the land for daily bread. They [unclear] and with this [claim?] that [unclear] resources and that [unclear] historians, and where is [it]? But what is surprising is the other side of the profit from disasters, and that in summer there is also a kind of need to take anything. And clearly, fuels are not worth only [unclear] for [unclear] to show. So the main sources of supply for [unclear] for 1 [unclear] downhill. Why are those who carry it out not checked? Are you? These people? Or are there complaints here? You have fuels made abroad and auto— MUSA KURTULAJ (Continued on page 3)

- A commemorative meeting in the capital marking the 50th anniversary of the death of People’s Hero Kajo Karafili and his comrades. - Fifty years have passed since the day when, fighting heroically against the Nazi-fascist occupiers and their local collaborators at Lis-Pateras in Peza, the People’s Hero Kajo Karafili, company commissar Mustafa Lleshi, and veteran partisan Mimozete Peza fell. To commemorate their deaths, on 10 January 1994 a jubilee memorial meeting was organized in the hall of the National Historical Museum by the Committee of Veterans of the National Liberation Anti-Fascist War of the Tirana district. Veterans and war invalids, members of martyrs’ families, comrades and friends from the years of the war who had been invited from the districts of Pogradac, Durrës, Kavajë and Shijak, as well as young men and women from Tirana, took part. Representatives of political parties and of the Association for the Fallen of the Albanian Nation also attended the meeting. Among those present was the Minister of Defence, Safet Zhulali, the Chairman of the Committee of

These are the service employees of the luxurious 15-storey hotel located in central Tirana, one of the country’s favourites among foreign visitors and businesspeople. After the funds for its reconstruction were approved, a foreign company was selected to undertake the work, and a pompous reception was held, accompanied by fanfare and publicized on RTV. Nearly 180 employees of this hotel were sent home, with the promise of long periods of leave. Now no services of any kind are being provided in this tourist hotel; the kitchens have been shut down, the doors have been closed, internal police have been added, and the sight of it creates a sense of abandonment. For two or three days, almost the entire workforce has been gathering in protest in the hotel’s deserted lobby. The hotel had provided services to many Albanian and foreign officials and deputies, and had been one of the city’s leading establishments. It is thought that Eduart Selami, Ali Spahia, Pëllirka Minga, Osman Shehu, Ilir Manushi, etc., used to come here, and that they paid particularly close attention to the hotel’s services. But today they are no longer there. In the lobby are the employees, who have begun to feel insecure about their future. They want to know what will happen to them after the hotel’s reconstruction is finished: will they continue working there or not? They cannot understand why someone has asked them to terminate their employment relations in the presence of police forces. The lack of an employment contract has made them worry about their future. This is precisely what the employees are asking of the board of directors, on which the Albanian side of this joint venture with the foreigners is represented by several familiar names from state functions—though, evidently, not by anyone from this workforce. Through their union, the employees have elected a representative group which has undertaken to seek a solution to their rights; they have held discussions and made contact with members of the board of directors on behalf of the Minister of Tourism, Edmond Shehu. In the abandoned lobby, these days one can sense a tense and somewhat uneasy atmosphere. But for how long? D. K

STATEMENT of the Socialist Party of Albania to the press