CHRONICLE “In an enthusiastic atmosphere, amid cries of ‘Socialist Party,’ ‘Fatos Nano,’ yesterday at 16:00 the Second National Conference of the Socialist Party began its proceedings in the hall of the Opera and Ballet Theatre in Tiranë.” “In an enthusiastic atmosphere, amid cries of ‘Socialist Party,’ ‘Fatos Nano,’ yesterday at 16:00 the Second National Conference of the Socialist Party began its proceedings in the hall of the Opera and Ballet Theatre in Tiranë. The Conference proceedings were declared open by the Party’s deputy chairman, Ilir Meta, who, during his opening speech, invited the delegates to maintain (Continued on page 4)

— Report delivered at the Conference by the Party’s deputy chairman, Dr. Servet Pëllumbi — Opening speech delivered by the Party’s deputy chairman, Ilir Meta Comrades, delegates, Honoured guests, We have gathered at this Conference to present our alternative for governing the state during the current period of transition and for overcoming the present political crisis. Our Conference is following its usual organisational course; however, the prolonged economic crisis, and especially the tense political situation, which are seriously endangering democracy, pluralism and normal political life in the country, give it the scale and significance of an extraordinary conference. The most tangible consequences of such a situation have become a matter of widespread concern; you see them in the campaign of the SPSh, Fatos Nano is not alone, but is with the guarantor. His being held hostage for more than six months, for clearly political motives, bears witness to politically influenced and objective relations. As a constructive force, PSSSH has taken the appropriate steps in this direction and will not fail to do so in the future, in order to restore the lost balance. PSSSH comes to this Conference stronger and more consolidated than ev— [text continues outside the frame] [Right column] the latest press law and amendments, with a totalitarian spirit, to the Penal Code. The violation of human freedoms and rights has become the most dangerous and troubling phenomenon in our society. The mass removal of PS members and supporters from state bodies and other institutions, even scientific ones, through the antidemocratic Law 24-1; mass unemployment; court proceedings against journalists, including members of PS forums; physical violence against several of its MPs; terror and brutal police violence, even inside police stations, which in some cases has led to irreversible physical disability and even death—these are phenomena that are becoming extremely alarming. Only in totalitarian, antidemocratic states do counter-rallies [text continues outside the frame] take place, and MPs are prevented from meeting their own electorate, or people are imprisoned for taking part in rallies and peaceful protests, even when they go to the cemeteries of the Nation’s Martyrs, as happened on 29 November last year in Durrës, Gjirokastër and elsewhere. The doors of RTV are almost closed to the Socialist Party. For five months now, law-enforcement authorities throughout Albania have been turning down the Socialist Party’s well-founded requests to hold rallies in city squares, using the most absurd pretexts. The example of Tiranë, where law-enforcement authorities have rejected nine requests by the Socialist Party’s Steering Committee (most recently with an unprecedented show of force), clearly demonstrates the serious and troubling narrowing of democratic space in our country. A peak example of flagrant violations of human freedoms and rights is the political arrest and imprisonment of the chairman of the Socialist Party, MP in the People’s Assembly, Fatos Nano. The way he was accused, the timing of the accusation, his arrest a few days after immunity was lifted and only hours before the PS’s approved peaceful rally, the replacement of two prosecutors in order to carry out the arrest warrant against him and the execution of the arrest by a newly appointed prosecutor, his imprisonment under a strict police regime, the court’s return of the case file for lack of evidence and facts as a result of the investigating team’s prejudgment of the case—all of this demonstrates that Fatos Nano was arrested as a political opponent of the regime, imprisoned for political revenge and to achieve specific political objectives, in order to obstruct and eliminate the PS. But such objectives will not be achieved, today or tomorrow! This is our view; this is the will of the PS members and supporters! The powerful backing of more than 700,000 Albanian voters, who signed for Fatos Nano’s release, as well as the broad support of democratic organisations and prominent figures in Europe, who have judged the “Nano Case” to be a political matter, are direct proof of our efforts. We have sought and continue to seek support at this level for the immediate release of Fatos Nano. This is a legitimate democratic demand, not an indication of any passion for creating a cult. We have neither viewed nor identified the Party with individuals in particular, whoever they may be. For us, this is a matter of principle. Comrades, delegates! Faced with such a reality, the PS has [text cuts off] its historic and vital role for democracy... (Continued on page 2)

The political life of our country is characterised by phenomena and contradictions that focus… on narrowing the space for democracy. The political struggle is being waged with great intensity—with harshness, a marked lack of dialogue and consensus, and pronounced historical and current burdens and prejudices. A new class struggle is being made the main instrument for the PD to retain political power; it is attacking the diversity of alternatives, the opposition, positions opposed to or competing with those of the government, and all those who think differently—all accompanied by the emergence of a police state. The PD is responsible for today’s escalation of the political situation in the country. Although, for the sake of demagoguery and democratic rhetoric, it does not hesitate to say “good morning” to the opposition, in reality it tries to paralyse every kind of opposition, even the parties with which it is formally in coalition. Its pronounced lack of willingness to create political space for social compromise has led it to the absurd position of denying every other alternative, every form of cooperation and tolerance. In almost everything and on every issue, it is displaying monist mindsets and practices. As a result, the PD can no longer conceal its pretence to be a political force that equates itself with democracy, or hide its inability to correct itself, its lack of confidence, ideas and solutions. Alienation, disillusionment and mass departures from its ranks have turned into a growing protest against the many illusions it spreads through its promises and programme. The paths it is following to deal with its identity crisis are such as to deepen it further. The authoritarian centralisation of powers, the strengthening of the executive at the expense of Parliament, the blocking of local government and the creation of intermediate tiers such as directorates appointed by and dependent on the central government are among the main indicators of the PD’s governing crisis, but also of the violation of democracy and the abuse of the people’s free vote. The corruption of government officials is rising above the poverty of ordinary people and cannot but provoke resentment. The Democratic Party’s government is now in a political and institutional crisis, and it cannot be overcome through partial repairs and cover-ups, as the president is trying to do in his attempt to save the PD’s “high political command.” The open subordination of the justice system to the executive and the state-party has become a deeply rooted, dangerous and highly troubling phenomenon in our society today. The class struggle seems troubling and also leaves the militants unchecked, with the help of the majority’s “cardboard” votes, through certain antidemocratic laws such as 24-1 and even the law extraordinary conference. I clearly see the most tangible consequences of such a situation everywhere: in the unrestrained campaign of unprecedented verbal warfare, in the persecution of political opponents and political killings, such as that of Gjovalin Çekini on 14 January in Shkodër, and even in the unlawful, unconstitutional and politically motivated arrest and imprisonment of the chairman of our Party, MP Fatos Nano. Nevertheless, it is to the PS’s credit that, as a party whose symbol is the rose, it has known how to preserve its composure and political balance, presenting itself at home and abroad as a mature, responsible political force, as a mature, responsible political force, political force, as a mature, responsible political force, in support of a popular path. With a developed sense of the conditions for concrete commitment to the advancement of democracy in Albania, it has continually sent messages of understanding, tolerance and democratic cooperation, even while in opposition. At our Second National Conference we will have another opportunity to show that the PS is a political force with credibility and a future. Our party currently has a presence throughout the country and numbers, genuinely and not fictitiously, more than 100,000 members grouped in 3,720 party organisations. During 1993 alone, more than 5,000 new members joined its ranks. The broad forums of the Eurosocialist youth and the socialist women’s forums are also part of the living core of its present and future, giving the Socialist Party’s structures genuine democratic vitality. The acceptance of our Eurosocialist Forum as an observer member of the International Union of Socialist Youth is a well-deserved recognition and a source of joy for us all; from the platform of this Conference, we extend them special greetings! Nevertheless, we are aware that successfully meeting the challenges of our time requires, now and in the future, increased attention to the Party’s standards and work; it requires greater diversity of opinion, a lively and democratic life within its ranks, and the courageous commitment of all its structures, accompanied by exemplary discipline and organisation, far removed from the models of centrist parties and parties of a strictly class-based character. And we are determined to build on what we have achieved, so that our Party will always remain the party of its own distinctive alternative of democratic socialism.

B. L.: Second Conference of the SP THE SOCIALIST ALTERNATIVE BRINGS EMPLOYMENT, OWNERSHIP, PROGRESS, STABILITY, SOLIDARITY, SECURITY P.S.SH. The Socialist Party comes to its Second National Conference at a time when, since its First Congress, political, economic and social parameters in Albanian society have changed considerably. Aware of its commitment to respond to these new parameters as a political force with a clear democratic vision, at this working conference it will develop its alternatives and programme. Although in opposition, through its positions the Socialist Party has been a powerful factor of balance and stability for our society, genuinely supporting democratic processes. This spirit of tolerance, understanding and cooperation with all political forces whose work is founded on national ideals and the progress of society will once again be the message of Albanian socialists, today and in the future. The times we are going through are difficult for society as a whole, but conditions have become particularly difficult in every respect for us socialists. The fundamental relations between government and opposition, between state and individual, as well as many rights won through democracy, have been seriously attacked. The imprisonment of the Party chairman, Fatos Nano, is a step in the opposite direction. — KPD report, “The Socialist Party toward new developments in Albanian democracy.” Questions and discussion on it. Approval of the Party programme’s development. Approval of amendments to the Party statute. The Conference will conduct its proceedings under these rules. Its proceedings will continue for two days. There will be a 30-minute break every 1.5 hours. So, who agrees with the agenda and the Conference rules? Vote. I give the floor to the PSSH deputy chairman, MP Servet Pëllumbi. The Second National Conference of the PSSH is attended by 500 delegates, and the PS MPs and its representatives in local government have also been invited. Among the guests attending the Conference are representatives of the diplomatic corps, political organisations, various circles, associations and parties. The Fier delegate, Islam Lala, chairman of the Libofshë commune, is absent from this Conference. He was taken from us by a serious illness a few days ago. I invite you to honour his memory with a minute of silence. I declare the Second National Conference of the PSSH open. It will conduct its proceedings according to the following agenda: