Will our rulers reflect on Europe’s reactions: Albania’s integration into Europe is a requirement that no one can directly deny. But integration into Europe can neither remain a wish nor happen of its own accord. The achievement of this integration depends on us Albanians, but not only on us. It also depends on those who accept integration. There are relationships and connections here, there are conditions, rights and obligations. The integration of our Albanian nation means naturally taking its place in Europe. This means that Albania will bring in, will integrate, what is Albanian, what is of value, what belongs among those values that unite it with Europe’s civilized and democratic nations. It is now clear that integration into Europe requires you to be a genuinely democratic country, not merely in slogans; to realize and expand people’s freedoms and rights, not restrict or violate them and continuously increase the number of political prisoners; to ensure that the laws are applied equally to everyone, rather than making the violation of laws commonplace; to create an economic and social reality in which people genuinely feel free and protected from violence and illegal acts; to expand the dimensions of pluralism, the opposition and the opposition’s activities, rather than shrinking those dimensions and seeking to eliminate dissent and the opposition. For six months, the chairman of the Socialist Party and member of the People’s Assembly, Fatos Nano, has been held in a cell. These six months have plainly demonstrated that the “Nano Issue” is purely political. He must be released, because the aim is to strike at the opposition, weaken it, divide it and liquidate the Socialist Party. The case file was returned by the court, yet Fatos Nano is still being kept in prison. Why has he been kept in prison for so long, if they had secured documents and evidence? Understanding the political nature of the creation of the Nano case, the Albanian electorate reacted. The petition signed by more than 700,000 people shows that the Nano Issue cannot be underestimated or manipulated. The Socialist Party has reacted continually. Prominent figures inside the country have also reacted. So have well-known European figures, and even institutions. These reactions have been made public and cannot be denied by means of forceful declarations on RTV and in the RD newspaper claiming that there has been no international reaction to the Nano case. Europe’s reaction to the Nano case is neither accidental nor based on sentimental or humanitarian considerations. It would not have happened if the Nano Issue were simply a legal matter. But it is a political issue, which is why prominent European figures and institutions have reacted. Because it is an attack on human freedoms and rights. Because it is a manifestation of totalitarianism and anti-democracy. It is a demand for the rule of law and justice, for the implementation of the laws we have adopted in Albania, in Parliament alone. It is a demand to protect pluralism in Albania. This reaction is at the same time a demand and a condition set by European institutions for Albania’s integration among Europe’s civilized nations. It is clear that there is also a more concrete dimension here. Fatos Nano is an intellectual who has contributed to democracy in Albania since its beginnings. He has his own personality, rights and freedom as a person, citizen, politician and member of parliament. But he is also chairman of the largest opposition party in our country, which enjoys broad popular support. It has received the people’s vote of confidence, expressed on March 22 and July 26. He leads a left-wing political party that has taken balanced and mature positions in the interests of democracy, Albania’s development, individual freedom and people’s social protection. The positions of the Socialist Party are now public and well known both inside the country and abroad. Given the substance and dimensions of the Nano Issue, it cannot be underestimated, minimized or ignored. It is both an open wound in the body of our society and an issue with far-reaching repercussions. His diminutive opponents try in vain to portray the Nano Issue as an ordinary matter, as a problem supposedly magnified subjectively, as an insignificant issue. The reaction of an entire political party, a considerable part of the Albanian electorate, the country’s political forces and prominent figures, as well as thousands of distinguished European figures and institutions, shows you the weight, place and importance of the Nano Issue. He must be released. That is how the law wins. Justice wins. Democracy wins. The real conditions for Albania’s integration among Europe’s civilized nations will also be created. social environment in which people feel free, realistic dimensions of pluralism, opposition and opposition activity, not reduce these dimensions; to try to eliminate the opposition and the opposition. To avoid remaining with general statements, we must turn to our reality. What is happening now? Is democracy advancing in Albania, or has the consolidation and development of democracy been blocked and halted? Crime has become alarming. People’s insecurity is increasing. Police violence goes so far that citizens die inside police institutions. Citizens are arrested for taking part in a peaceful rally. Journalists are arrested and prosecutors are threatened with statements on television, evoking the sick Balkans and the war in Bosnia; citizens and police officers are continually being killed... These are the reasons for such a reaction to the Nano case. Such a reaction is an appeal. It is a call to protect and consolidate democracy in Albania. It is a call to correct actions and positions that strike at and undermine democracy. E- sentimental and absurd. This reaction would not have occurred if the Nano case were merely a legal matter. But it is a political matter, which is why prominent figures from Europe and its institutions rights. Because the creation of the Nano case involved violations of the laws and legal procedures in force. Because the creation of the Nano case and his prolonged detention—six months in prison without trial—were driven by political, vindictive motives that were not at all civilised. Because it is an attack on the country’s largest opposition party, because people’s freedoms and rights are being violated.

- The European Parliament, in a far from modest vote of 208 in favour and 37 against, calls for the immediate release of Mr Fatos Nano. The government is silent! - Amnesty International and the U.S. Department of State draw up special reports concerning violations of Human Rights in Albania. The government is silent! - The 24-year-old Gjovalin Çekini has been [unclear]. People in positions of power, dressed in “double-breasted” suits, have been accused of involvement in a political crime involving arms smuggling. The state is silent! - The President’s “journalist friends,” Aleksandër Frangaj and Martin Leka, ended up in prison. Thoma Gëllci, Irirjan Zhupa, Arben Doci and Gjergj Zefi are facing criminal prosecution. The state is silent! “Another 900 days...” Another 900 days of [unclear]. Another 900 days of intolerance, another 900 days of police violence, another 900 days of human-rights violations, another 900 days of propaganda. Another 900 days of surprises, particular ones that will distinguish them from one another; another 900 days of absurdities that will be met, to everyone’s satisfaction, with silence. Silence that defies even the European Parliament’s demand for Fatos Nano’s release; silence that defies the prestigious organization Amnesty International and its disturbing report on human-rights violations in Albania. Silence that defies the U.S. Department of State and its report, also concerning human-rights violations in Albania. Silence that defies the political crime in Shkodër and the accusations against people in power implicated in that crime. Silence that defies the concern over the execution of the free press. Aleksandër Frangaj and Martin Lekaj ended up in prison. And another 900 days... It seems the government is following, relying on, the quip of a minister-director from one of his films: “The greatest wonder lasts three days.” But it is said that the quip is to become law, the fundamental law for the government, as the Albanian state lacks a Constitution (the fundamental law). As far back as 30.1.1993, the late Professor Rexhep Qosja wrote in a letter to Sali Berisha from Prishtina: “If democracy is a worldview, if democracy is a worldview, if democracy is consideration for others; if democracy is the protection of the individual from state violence, then your democracy is only propaganda.” And so he was warning us. He was warn- ing us about the imprisonment of Nano, the imprisonment of Idajet Beqiri, the imprisonment of Fatmir Kumbaro and eight other people who took part in a protest, a hunger strike/strike [?] [unclear], the imprisonment of Aleksandër Frangaj and Martin Lekë, and the criminal prosecutions being brought against the editors-in-chief of other independent newspapers, as well as the sentences handed down to Panajot Zotos, Shqyqyri Meka, Fatmir Zanaj, etc. Professor Qosja was warning of violations of citizens’ rights and freedoms; he was warning of the bestial killing [?] through police violence of Romeo Gaces, David Lekës and Irfan Nanajt. Professor Qosja was warning of intolerance transformed into a political crime on 14 January in the city of Shkodër, where the life of the 24-year-old Gjovalin Çekini, who became a symbol of peace, was cut short [unclear]. Yet the government remains silent. A silence that is defying everything, a silence that is defying hundreds of thousands of others who are calling for Fatos Nano’s release, who are calling for tolerance, for consideration of others, for love of humanity, who are calling for an end to the state’s police violence against the individual, who are calling for an end to government propaganda. The louder the voices grow, the greater the absurdities become; even silence on such a scale is an absurdity. It is enslaving Albanians, driving them toward constant stress. But to the government, this has no value. The government is exhilarated by silence into remaining silent even more, even longer. ERION BRAÇE

In the President’s correspondence office ...

Gjirokastër In carrying out the tasks set out, and also in response to the interest aroused by the proceedings of the Socialist Party’s second national conference, its delegates held a discussion meeting with Party members, activists and supporters on Friday afternoon, 11 February. After a brief introduction of the delegates and questions naturally raised by those listening, they discussed important issues of life today and the alternatives the Socialist Party puts forward in response. Delegate Dritëro Agolli raised an “alarm” in his discussion. How will they work in the coming election campaign? How was the state of affairs in the countryside assessed; in agriculture, what is being done to implement the land law in full; what changes are there in the Party’s programme and statutes; how is our state’s foreign policy assessed and what progress has been made on the national question; why are corruption cases not uncovered and dealt with effectively? These were among the concerns. Exchanging views also on the state of affairs in the district, this natural organizational activity of the Party suggested that they elect socialists to local bodies, in the district and municipality; hold open meetings with Socialist Party organizations in the city’s neighbourhoods; present their plans for 1994 and reflect in them the concerns and proposals of the masses and the people. One organizational point that could be suggested: given the broad reach and openness the Socialist Party is currently gaining, it would be good for meetings to be differentiated according to the interests, professions, ages, [unclear] of the activists, etc. The Party is a mass party and belongs to everyone, but that does not mean that every segment of it is the same or that every activity is suitable for each member and supporter, or for every group of members and supporters. THANAS DINO

Two invitations arrived at the President’s correspondence office. The first was sent by the largest opposition party, which is organizing a national meeting where it will review its work and present alternatives to the situation. With due tolerance and democratic culture, they considered it appropriate to invite the President of the Republic as a symbol of national unity as well. The other comes from far away—it does not matter from where—and invites the President to the inauguration of a mosque. It is understood that the correspondence clerk puts them on his desk, perhaps two days apart, and waits for a reply; as always, the reply is not long in coming. I do not know how it is worded, but one thing is absolutely certain. His reserved seat at the opposition’s assembly remains empty, while at the mosque the President himself cuts the ribbon, or at least, in his absence, a message is read. The ribbon is cut, and the President announces to the “enthusiastic” crowds: “The mosque we are inaugurating today is a continuation of the inaugurations of other mosques, churches, cathedrals...” And the crowd of hundreds of people applauds happily. Today is a holiday for them. Today the month of Ramadan begins with a new mosque. Today their city has one more minaret, and that is no small thing when there are no factory chimneys.” (Continued on page 2)

We single out: “The Mosko phenomenon”! In a television interview given several months ago, Dede Kasseneci from Shkodër spoke, among other things, about Teodor Mosko, the prosecutor at his trial, saying more or less that the prosecutor who tried me was dishonest, [unclear] to overthrow people’s power in the most direct way, and Nexhmije Hoxha... And Dede Kasseneci’s words were accompanied by film footage from the January 1992 trial against Nexhmije Hoxha, where the prosecutor Mosko could be seen [unclear]. “And ‘stop camera.’” The moral: people, take a good look at this prosecutor—or, more accurately, at this person, this type. And do not forget him. After this scene I was reminded of the comedy by our great writer Dritëro Agolli entitled “The Double Face.” Teodor Mosko served the dictatorship’s state and its prosecution service with devotion and dedication, just as he served then against Todë Lubonja, just as he served against Nexhmije Hoxha. And then democracy arrived! “Why rack our brains? We’ll sit in the kitchen! Buy the smell of food; we won’t go hungry, If we feel thirsty, we drink, If our nails grow, we cut them,” D. Agolli wrote. But Mosko is not alone. Neither as a person nor as a phenomenon. I learned that Tirana deputy prosecutor Fitar Fagu has also been removed from his post. It is even said that a criminal case has been brought against him. I have had the opportunity to meet and talk with him. I even said, leave us alone. I even told journalists that, as you have now proved, there is not just one thing still in force in prison. But in the end they abandoned him too. I will not say more, in the hope that his colleagues may learn from this, with the aim that [unclear] served them verbally, so they would not submit to orders; otherwise, it will be too late. They all serve the state as prosecutors with devotion and dedication, just as they served then against Todë Lubonja, just as they served against Nexhmije Hoxha. And then democracy arrived! LUAN, M. RAMA (Continued on page 2)

- A group of farmers in Velipojë have announced a hunger strike - “The time to plant has come. But where are we supposed to plant? Even that little bit of land we were told was ours over these past two years, and which we worked, is now being claimed by so-called former owners who have warned us not to plant it again! They don’t care what the legal commissions have decided; they have simply given us a blunt ultimatum: don’t plant, because you won’t enjoy the harvest!” In a few words, this is the concern raised with us in recent days by a group of farmers from Dajç, in Shkodër, outside the administration building of this district council. They had come here hoping to find support, hoping someone would help resolve their problem, since they risk being unable to plant this spring. But this concern is not limited to Dajç. In one way or another, it can also be found in many other villages in this district and in Malësia e Madhe. The same problem is also faced in the villages of the former agricultural enterprises. Former owners, who left years ago, now show up and tell them: “Don’t cultivate the land anymore; whatever we did over the past two years, from now on the law is us.” Thus, not only farmers who still have not received land, but also those who were told they had received it and planted [unclear], no longer feel secure about planting. Although Mr Arbnori once again said at the meeting the Democratic Party held at the “Migjeni” theatre recently that the law on land distribution would not change, since it had been put to a vote and only eight deputies had voted for changing it—thereby showing that it is the fairest law—the claimants to the old boundaries do not care. The farmers are waiting for the words of senior representatives of the government and the state to be followed by decisive practical action. What are the farmers to do, whom should they listen to, the state or the former owners? The failure to implement the law properly has left them in a dilemma. They complain to state representatives, who promise that the law will be implemented and protected; they return to the village, but nothing changes. A group of farmers from the Nënshkodër area have just returned from a meeting with the Minister of Agriculture and Food, Mr Hasan Halili. “We told the minister,” they say, “that we do not feel secure about planting this spring; we have no guarantees, because we see that the threats against us have increased considerably. We also told him not to trust only the figures officials in the district report up the chain about land distribution, because they do not tell the truth as it is. In fact, we know what the problem is with land distribution. The minister received us well and said, ‘I agree with your concern; I will act immediately.’” Promises, assurances, words and pledges continue, but time is passing. It is not right to force farmers today to go on hunger strikes as a protest in order to make the law be implemented. Some farmers from Velipojë have announced that they will do so. Must all Albanians, depending on their interests, be forced from time to time to go on hunger strikes to obtain what the state has granted them by law? Such problems are not limited to Shkodër. The state has no reason to make things difficult for itself when the concerns are so evident. M. K.

Today at 18:00, the Opera and Ballet Theatre, in cooperation with the German Embassy, presents the premiere of «Carmina Burana» by the German composer Carl Orff in the hall of the International Centre of Culture. The choir-orchestra and soloists Mirela Tana, Adrian Xhema and Agim Duro will take part. Choir director Suzana Turku. Conductor Enmir Kranja