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Zëri i Popullit

E martë, 22 mars 1994

THE STATE AT WAR WITH THE FREE PRESS

YESTERDAY IN THE TIRANA COURT THE STATE AT WAR WITH THE FREE PRESS Tirana Court of Appeals sentences Aleksandër Frangaj to five months in prison and Sheas Shatku to 18 months in prison for publishing secrets related to the division of oil with Greece and Italy From the strike and the transfer of the Athens prosecutor’s investigation to the scenario of the physical suppression of the press in Albanian Macedonia. An unclear situation is becoming, above all, in Albania in the media, in political life and in today’s public debate. After the 915,000 lek fine imposed on Aleksandër Frangaj by the Tirana court for the article published in the newspaper "Koha Jonë" about the agreement on the division of the sea with Greece and Italy, yesterday the Court of Appeals announced its decision, sentencing Frangaj to five months in prison and Sheas Shatku to 18 months in prison. The decision was met with concern in press and public circles. In this climate, numerous reactions have come from various organizations, political forces and media leaders. Episodes of pressure, hunger strikes, as well as investigations launched by the Athens prosecutor’s office regarding the circulation of information have also been mentioned. The newspaper links this situation to a broader scenario of restricting the free press, up to its physical banning, in the Albanian area of Macedonia. (To be continued on page 4)
Aleksandër Frangaj Sheas Shatku Tiranë Shqipëri Athinë Greqi Itali

PARIS: "THE NANO CASE" AGAIN IN THE INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION

PARIS: "THE NANO CASE" AGAIN IN THE INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION Unconstitutional action by the police against Fatos Nano’s lawyer, Mr. Peparim Sënhaku All this week, a number of foreign newspapers with different profiles, but sharing a common denominator, devoted attention to the Nano case and the problems with the rule of law in Albania. This was also reflected in the discussions of the Inter-Parliamentary Union in Paris, where the trial, defense rights and police interference with Fatos Nano’s lawyer were discussed. At the center of these reactions was also the action described as unconstitutional against Mr. Peparim Sënhaku. (To be continued on page 4)
Fatos Nano Peparim Sënhaku Paris Shqipëri

When will Albania have a new constitution?

When will Albania have a new constitution? - A constitution, a boss’s decision, or the Socialist Party’s wish? - The PD, the current majority in Parliament, by removing it from the constitutional amendment scheme, prefers not only the existence of a monist system, but also the further revision of part of the constitutional reform in favor of the executive. In the scheme it proposes, the President of the Republic is presented as the center of the political system, endowed with attributes that go beyond the limits of a constitutional arbiter. On the other hand, the Socialist opposition has called for a balanced constitution, with a real separation of powers and clear responsibilities for the main state bodies. The debate over the constitution is thus turning into a debate over the model of the Albanian state and the relationship between parliament, government and president. (To be continued on page 3)
Shqipëri

SHKODER

Workers of the fishing enterprise protest, farmers on hunger strike The situation has become extremely serious in Shkodër, where protests by workers of the fishing enterprise continue over unpaid wages and difficult working conditions. At the same time, a group of farmers has gone on hunger strike demanding a solution regarding land, supplies and obligations left unmet by the local authorities. The protest has taken on broad dimensions and has brought tension to the city, while the local authorities have still not offered a convincing solution. (To be continued on page 3)
Shkodër

PROSECUTORS FACE A DIFFICULT TEST

PROSECUTORS FACE A DIFFICULT TEST After yesterday’s harsh public scene over the delay in the blocked telephone exchange case in Tirana, the chief prosecutor of Athens and other prosecutorial structures have entered a new phase of checks. In particular, reference is made to documents, testimonies and pressures linked to specific names, telephone communications and unusual investigative procedures. The article raises questions about the professionalism of the prosecution office, its ability to separate real responsibilities from political interpretations, and the consequences of a prolonged process without transparency. (To be continued on page 4)
Tiranë Athinë