PROBLEM OF THE DAY THE ATTITUDE TOWARD FATOS NANO IS AN INDICATOR OF THE STATE’S ATTITUDE TOWARD THE OPPOSITION The release of the opposition leader from prison—a guarantee of respect for and protection of fundamental human rights and freedoms, and the opposition’s political freedoms. The Inter-Parliamentary Union did not close the file on the “Nano Case” even at its Paris meeting. Because it is now no longer just a problem for Fatos Nano and the Socialist Party. Nor is it merely the Achilles’ heel of Albanian politics, but much more. The attitude of today’s state, under Berisha’s leadership, toward the chairman of the Socialist Party and People’s Assembly deputy Fatos Nano is the most significant indicator and the most sensitive human measure of its attitude toward the opposition as a whole and, consequently, a primary factor directly affecting the further course of pluralist democracy in Albania, which aspires to Europe. The political and insidious persecution launched long ago against Fatos Nano, visibly outlined in Blerim Çela’s report delivered in Parliament a year earlier, followed by his unlawful and arbitrary arrest on 30 July 1993 and finalized in Agim Bendo’s absurd ruling—which brought together in one place the speeches of Eduart Selami and the judicial proceedings of Tritan Shehu, the statements of Kurt Kola and Petrit Kalakulla, Blerim Çela, Arben Qeleshi, Fatos Dervishi, Rilindian Qarri, Zef Brozi and the whole chorus beyond—was intended not only to remove him from the Albanian political scene, where he had emerged as a dignified politician of European stature, but much more. The aim was what had been achieved in other parties: the division of the Socialist Party and, subsequently, its elimination from the Albanian political scene—which would mean eliminating the opposition in Albania, undermining democracy and political pluralism, and installing totalitarianism in blue. But it all failed. It failed because the Albanian socialists and their many supporters throughout the country did not fall into the treacherous trap that had been laid. Instead, with maturity and composure, honesty and prudence, they knew how to withstand the attacks and insults, provocations and slander that intensified after the statement, “The Shkodran wants the socialists.” Other Albanians who are not socialists understood this very well too, wherever they were, and who have nothing in common with Menduh Thaqi, Berisha, Meksi and Tritan Shehu. But Europe’s democratic and prestigious forums, and those further afield, also understood this very well, as did prominent figures and statesmen who have contributed, and continue to contribute, their goodwill to internationalizing the “Nano Case” and resolving it justly. Therefore, every progressive step toward civilized Europe, every step toward securing and consolidating the fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual and the political freedoms of the opposition—without which there can be no true democracy—must begin anew, among other things, with the release from prison of Fatos Nano and all other prisoners of conscience.

As one might say, on Wednesday morning the deputies of the People’s Assembly weighed the 60 articles of the Medicines Law on pharmacy scales. As stated in its first article, this law lays down the rules for the manufacture, import, export, trade, use and quality control of medicines used for people in Albania. Among other things, the need for this law is also determined by the fact that during this period, alongside many very useful medicines, new medicines outside the approved nomenclature have been introduced, including some that have expired or are about to expire. Medicines are not infrequently administered by people without the necessary professional qualifications. Cases of price abuse and of guarantees concerning the therapeutic value of medicines have also been observed. Under the law, medicine prices serve to reconcile the interests of all parties: manufacturers, traders and consumers. Medicine prices are set by the price commission and controlled by the state. For the first time, this law introduces the practice of clinical trials of medicines on people. This is done voluntarily by the participants and with the permission of the Ethics Commission. The law also provides for a series of functions to ensure compliance with its provisions. Deputies from all parties, recognizing the work done to draft this law as a law based on our national and international experience, took an active part in discussing it and unanimously approved it. The “Framework Document of the Partnership for Peace” is ratified On 23 February, the President of the Republic signed the framework document of the “Partnership for Peace” at NATO Headquarters in Brussels. Under the agreement, Albania will cooperate with NATO on matters of defence planning and control, the security and control of armaments, etc. This agreement is considered an important step in establishing cooperative relations with NATO as part of full membership in the organization. Parliament ratified this agreement unanimously. Correspondent of “Zëri i Popullit”

Socialist Party meeting in Sarandë New elections serve the stability and strengthening of Albania On Tuesday, 12 April, the expanded meeting of the Socialist Party branch in the Sarandë district was held, attended by members of the district committee, Socialist councillors elected to the district council and municipal and commune councils, party organization chairpersons, and other invitees. Also attending the meeting was comrade Fatri Sinani, a member of the Socialist Party leadership. At the beginning, Astrit Llanaj, chairman of the Socialist Party district committee, informed those attending about the issues discussed at the latest meeting of the Central Committee of the Socialist Party of Albania and then presented some of the party’s achievements in the district, given the concrete political situation, the mass mobilization of people around the “Nano Case,” and calls for a political solution through early elections. After the party’s second national conference, and particularly during the trial and after the court panel handed down its sentence against Fatos Nano, the party’s work in the district increased. Contacts with people were expanded in order to clarify the situation and the Socialist Party’s position in its ongoing struggle to defend the party chairman and strengthen the party’s work. Aware of the need for a new political solution, but shocked by the authorities’ intolerance, outraged by the injustices and the “boldness” of the Meksi government in implementing price reforms that tighten the noose around the people’s neck ever more, disappointed by the lack of freedom to organize and express protest over the situation and to ask this government to leave the political scene for Albania’s good, and disillusioned by hopeless waiting and insecurity in life—this was the political and social picture presented at the meeting. These are precisely the factors bringing people ever closer to the Socialist Party, and naturally they are seeking to join it (in the first three months alone, more than 130 have been accepted ... Unemployment in the town and the failure to distribute land in the countryside. In the Sarandë municipality, more than 700 families have been waiting for three months this year to receive social assistance, and the government is not providing it. This assistance has not been provided on the coast since July last year. In Ksamil, where the number of families who arrived after 1992 has exceeded that of the existing families, a conflict over land has begun and no one is taking responsibility for resolving it. In Vrinë, tensions have risen following a government decision to settle there a village from the Tepelenë district, with more than 150 families, thereby reducing the land area per person for existing families compared with the other villages of the former Vrinë farm. In Lukovë, tensions over injustices in the distribution of land have reached a peak. Although these are not unknown problems to the government, its representatives, instead of making a concrete effort to resolve them, have in their latest meetings with the “electorate” in Sarandë created an image of “tomorrow’s happiness” through the establishment of tourist villages, etc. Çuman Abedini, Islam Lasku and Besnik Kroi stressed in their contributions that our people elected to local government should also become more involved in these issues. They argued for increasing contacts between deputies and party leaders and the people, a necessity for strengthening the confidence of the electorate that supports us in the alternatives the party has put forward for a new political solution. Few people can express doubts about the injustice in the handling of the “Nano Case” and the authorities’ helplessness in seeking, through a court ruling, to make him disappear. But the majority rightly ask: “What will happen next?” It is good that the Socialist Party realistically raises the issue that the Nano case will be resolved as part of a political solution, but how can this be made possible? These are questions expressing a desire and the need for action, which calls for the need to overco— the wealth of life—this is are precisely the factors that bring people ever closer to the Socialist Party, naturally leading them to seek membership in it (in the first month alone, more than 130 people have been accepted), and also to take bolder action and make a greater political commitment through its structures, in order to end the domination of the state, the source of all social tensions, and to ensure genuine governance in the name and interests of the majority of the people. Many speakers presented facts demonstrating the authorities’ inability to find solutions to the numerous social problems and the economic poverty gripping certain areas, a consequence of the absence of state justice. They rightly ask the question: “What will happen next?” It is good that the SP is addressing the issue realistically: the Nano case will be resolved within the framework possible? These are questions expressing a demand, a wish, and the need for action, which call for overcoming the static forms of political struggle that trap problems in a vicious circle where everyone complains, laments, and makes demands, but no one acts. In response to this demand, the active participants put forward a broad commitment by party members and party organizations in the city and countryside to intensify the political struggle further and create the necessary conditions for a political solution through early elections. PANAJOT ZOTO

Following Kalakullë and Baleta’s departure from the Democratic Party’s parliamentary group and the creation of the Democratic Party, it is being said that several other deputies may also leave the ranks of the Democratic Party. Among those expected to leave the Democratic Party soon is Mr. Tomorr Alimëhilli, well known as one of the Albanian [members?] of the pluralist years. However, it is said that the post of deputy minister of agriculture has been prepared for him in order to keep him on board. Not only that, it is also said that it has been promised that his wife will be transferred from her current position as director of the PTT in Shkodër to the vacant post of director of TELEKOM in Tirana. Finally, one more suggestion: anyone wishing to find a government post should spread the word that they want to break away and join the party of Baleta and Kalakullë, because no temptation involving cushy seats will be spared in an effort to stop them. K. D.

the “Nano Case” Yesterday, the draft decree of the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, arrived in Parliament. It proposes that Fatos Dervishi be appointed Deputy Prosecutor General of the Republic, replacing Vasill Plaku, who, as is known, was arrested and convicted several months ago. In this way, Mr. Dervishi receives the reward expected after the conclusion of the investigation into the “Nano case”.

On April 20, Albanian Television broadcast a report on the press conference of PD chairman Eduart Selami, including criticism prepared by journalist Amalia Dhamo. I do not wish to comment on the reasons why Armir Shkurti, a television journalist assigned to prepare this report (according to his statement before the press conference began), was replaced by journalist Dhamo. Nor do I wish to discuss the editing of the report’s film footage, in which the footage from the Television’s professional camera is mixed with footage from an amateur camera. These are professional matters for Albanian Television, and they also reflect its degree of seriousness. But since my name as a journalist, and the question put to the PD chairman about this, were mentioned several times in this report, I am compelled to make the following correction: The question I put to the PD chairman was not the one presented in Ms. Dhamo’s report. The question was this: “Mr. Selami, at the time when you were attending the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the Albanian representatives accused the Government ... of anti-Albanian terrorism against ...” In response, through the letter sent by the Albanian foreign minister to the Security Council. Meanwhile, you spoke of “certain circles with influence in the Greek Government.” How are we to understand this change in the ruling party’s position on this event? As can be seen, my question does not challenge whether or not there are contradictions in the Albanian Government’s positions on the event in question. The letter from the Albanian foreign minister and Mr. Selami’s written statement have been published in “RD,” so there is no need to republish them. My question was: “How are we to understand this change in position?” I am making this correction because the journalist from Television did not change the substance of my question for professional reasons, but to create an opportunity for the PD to respond to the legitimate criticism directed at the Albanian Government for its unserious position on the matter in question. I wish to emphasize that Albanian Television has other ways and means of giving airtime to the ruling parties without mentioning my name and without changing the questions I ask at press conferences. [Author’s name/signature illegible]

A fair law on the files—a prelude to the new law on early elections. “Give the country a fair law on the files.” This is what Mr. Preç Zogaj is asking for in an open letter to the leadership of the People’s Assembly. A renowned poet and prose writer, one of the founders of the Democratic Party and of its newspaper “RD,” a courageous and honest man, but also an idealist, the director of “Aleanca” is asking the leadership of the People’s Assembly—namely, Mr. Pjetër Arbnori, Mr. Tomorr and Mr. Shagir—as well as all the deputies, and Mr. Ali Spahija as chairman of the majority group, to do precisely what they cannot do. Didn’t Perikli Teta submit a bill to open politicians’ files, which was not passed? Why?… Because… Haven’t the Socialist Party’s deputies repeatedly called for the law opening the files to be passed, and hasn’t this request been rejected? Why?… Because… On the contrary, honest Preç can find out very easily. You should know what all Albanians know: the law was not passed because members of Parliament voted against it. Ali Spahija, Eduart Selami, Petrika Minga, Dodë Kacaj, Rudolf Marku, Tomorr Doshti, Tritan Shehu, Tonin Alimëhilli, Pjetër Pepa, Sadedin Baftija, Ismet Ferizaj, and all the others in the PD group. But why did these respected gentlemen vote against it? To this day, I have not heard an explanation of their vote, forgetting that passing this law is essential. I do not intend to claim that they are terrified of the files, or of the files of terror, since I do not know whether some sin from their distant or more recent past weighs on them; but I think this situation must be brought to an end once and for all. And that end will come after the law on opening deputies’ files is passed, files that undoubtedly ought to be made public. If there are also deputies who once zealously served the State Security, that is no reason to obstruct passage of the law in question. The Albanian Parliament has shown more than once that it does not want the deputies’ files opened, because it apparently realizes that afterwards it will also be compelled to pass the law on early parliamentary elections. The PD is indeed confident that it would win even if early elections were held, but it refuses to fulfill the opposition’s demand; specifically, it seeks to complete President Berisha’s 900-day term of security. Meanwhile, President Berisha should not let the deputies suffer from anxiety over the opening of the files—an anxiety that, for them, seems more severe than the anxiety of the Sword of Damocles. Since Parliament voted against Perikli Teta’s initiative and against the Socialist group’s initiative, let him take the initiative himself, stating that in this case the PD deputies’ group will not oppose it. Or, if this option does not suit him because the deputies might oppose it, let him choose the Czech model, under which deputies who had been informers were removed from Parliament themselves, without the files being opened. LUAN M. RAMA

The breakaway of Kalakula and Baleta is only that much, but it is also said that—