It is not at all difficult to understand the political tension in the situation, and the paralysis of political life and democracy in our country. Our society is in fact going through a crisis today. The political crisis is the sharpest. It is made even more acute by the drastic rise in prices, the lack of significant investment, the absence of domestic industrial production or its small scale; unemployment and the high cost of living, insecurity and rising crime. By its nature and scale, this crisis contains explosive risks and could have grave consequences. The synthetic, quantitative and qualitative elements of this crisis can no longer be disputed or concealed. 1. The governing coalition, as leaders of the parties participating in it also declare, is in crisis. It is being held together with great difficulty. The trend of this crisis is toward mismanagement and further aggravation. The bleak hopes of averting this coalition crisis, accompanied by calls to “make more seats for us in the government,” are utopian. We do not believe even those who dream them. The governing coalition, in fact, as the coalition members themselves have often said, was more fictional than effective. More accurately, it should be said that it is ending just as it began. The governing coalition, as it was formed, lacks a real, objective basis. This is clearly understood if one bears in mind that the Democratic Party has an absolute parliamentary majority. Thus, the coalition that came into being was more contrived than necessary. It lacked the element of necessity required for its creation. A coalition is formed and remains only on the basis of an essential need to create it. That need is what sustains it; otherwise, it falls apart. In this particular case, nothing would happen if any political force other than the DP left the governing coalition, all the more so since one of the political forces represented in parliament is not even able to form a parliamentary group. 2. The party in power went through a process of defining its political identity and continues to experience an internal crisis. The discussions about its political identity—“center-democratic” or right-wing—showed that these were not academic discussions. They were an internal struggle. They resulted in the creation of two new political parties emerging from it, the PAD and, as the press reports, the right-wing Democratic Party. Under other circumstances, these processes are normal. Here, however, they exist through factions that are sometimes at odds and sometimes reconciled. In the life of the PD, these processes were accompanied by pain, tensions, and the use of labels and descriptions such as “enemies,” “puhadore,” etc. Such assessments cannot be part of normality. 3. It is a real fact that on 22 March the Democratic Party secured broad support from the electorate. But subsequently a process developed whose tendency was to narrow that support and backing, which had become evident that year in the 26 July elections for local government bodies. The process of disillusionment with the goals and promises made by the PD continues unabated, as does the process of change in the electorate, the country, and the place and role of political forces in the country’s political life. Nevertheless, beginning with the results of the 22 March elections, a political position gradually and relentlessly took shape, attributing to the PD a monopoly on making democracy and a monopoly on truth. On many occasions, PD leaders have declared at meetings that the PD has the mandate of 22 March and enjoys the people’s confidence to establish democracy in Albania. 4. In our country’s political life, a tendency has emerged to narrow the space in which the opposition can exist and act, a tendency that is moving toward its denial and elimination. Any position or statement that differs from that of the PD and its rule is harshly judged as anti-democratic, even anti-national. Above all, those who think differently from the PD and the regime in power—whether individuals, journalists, politicians, members of parliament or political parties—are subjected to curses, insults, beatings with clubs, arrests and imprisonment. Among political forces, the Socialist Party, the PAD, etc., have been placed at the center of the fierce political struggle. The positions taken to date toward the Socialist Party—from labeling it “Slavocommunist,” “punist,” etc., to the brutal attack on its leadership and attempts to split it, the arrest, imprisonment and conviction of Socialist Party Chairman Fatos Nano, the absurd denial of the Socialist Party’s requests to hold peaceful rallies and demonstrations in public squares, and the repeated assaults on Socialist Party offices by law-enforcement agencies, etc.—clearly show the aim of fragmenting and liquidating the Socialist Party and the opposition as a whole? The denial and violation of the opposition’s rights have become a troubling phenomenon with dangerous consequences. The attacks and labels directed at the PD as “puhadore” and anti-national are an indication of the serious threat facing (Continued on page 2)

Reminder: You have no right to talk about the files — To the leaders of the PD and the «RD» observer — Some time ago, an article was published in «Zëri i Popullit» which, if I remember correctly, was about «Pustriku» and his deeds. The very next day, one of the investigating prosecutors arrived at the editorial office, demanding at all costs to know the author’s name, who had brought in the article, how the original text had been delivered, etc., because it was an important matter of state. This affair dragged on for a long time, keeping the newspaper under pressure and monitoring all the contributors who came in and out of the editorial office, etc. Meanwhile, the newspaper of the ruling PD, namely «Rilindja Demokratike», in issue after issue following the «Pustriku» case, for which arrest warrants were also signed, has written about dozens and dozens of “pustikë”; it has written about points scored and paramora, about ballpoint pens and shëmbej, about medicines and koramone, about çifteli and mandolins, the teacher, holen, the tambourine, the drum, poetry, etc.—as if the «Observer» were its secret correspondent in SHIK or an SHIK employee within «RD». The illegal opening of files and their use as a means of pressure and blackmail is an act punishable by law, and one must not remain silent about it. Yet, while criminal proceedings were demanded over a completely insignificant “pustrik,” prompted by what had been published in «Zëri i Popullit», the state and its specialized mechanisms have remained silent about many other cases in «RD». There have been many debates and discussions about the files. Much has been written and said. Many people have also been wiretapped and attacked. But Parliament has not approved the proposals submitted—not to protect any spies who might be inside it, but for reasons known only to the PD majority, which, at the most opportune moment, should remain silent and stop mentioning the files. It should certainly not have the Observer write about them, forcing him to play a dishonest and illegal game. If someone has handed the Observer a file and is using it to make him write in the newspaper not under his own name but under the name assigned to him by those who had him circumcised, Mr. Bashkim Gazidede should not remain indifferent, because he bears direct legal and moral responsibility for the abuses committed in the SHIK he heads. Meanwhile, the defenders and their Observer have no right to talk or write about the files. Because if they unlawfully accuse and attack Mr. Prenç Zogaj, they should not forget that Prenç Zogaj was once a PD deputy. And when they attack Petrit Kalakulla, they should not forget that they themselves made him a minister, made him a deputy, and made him chairman of the PD in Tirana. They flatter Baleteka even though they know very well that he was not a «Stiolaps», forgetting how much they praised him when he was an independent deputy on the PD lists, and forgetting how much he contributed to them. Or, if they want to attack, let them attack everyone: those who may be in Parliament, in the Government, in the Presidency, in embassies, in the PD, etc. If there are any in other parties, including the PS, let them spare no one. Not only that, but when we wrote against Baleteka, Neritan Ceka, Petrit Kalakulla and many others in the PD, «Rilindja Demokratike» defended them with great zeal and devotion. Why attack them now, why call them enemies? Did the Observer not know then who they were, those who later turned out to have files and to have been spying? Or was the Observer not an observer then, but merely an ordinary person worried about his own spying? And did «RD» know? And since it knew, why doesn’t it start by opening the files of some of its own deputies and journalists? Stop playing games with the files and the Observer, gentlemen. If you are honest and brave, as you claim at rallies and delegations, open the files and let us see who they are; let us see how much the people will love you and what they will believe you. Let us see, after all, how much your skin is worth. If you have even a little civic courage and integrity left, do what Prec Zogaj did, and prove that you are truly untainted and have wronged no one. LUAN M. RAMA

I am an ordinary citizen from Durrës, writing to you. A few days ago, in broad daylight, I was robbed while I was waiting at the car market to sell a car someone had left with me. As I stood beside the car, three people approached, one of whom was wearing a police uniform. They asked me about the car and, after we had agreed on the price, asked to try it out by taking it for a spin, as is usually done at these markets. Convinced of their sincerity, I agreed and gave them the keys. They got into the car and, after taking a spin, immediately drove off at speed toward the paved road in the direction of Kavajë. I waited a few moments, thinking perhaps they would come back, but in vain. They did not return. I immediately notified the Public Order Department in Durrës about the incident, naturally explaining that one of the robbers was wearing a police uniform. For days I have been searching for the thieves who stole my car (a blue Fiat Regota), hopeful, but also disillusioned, because now we are being robbed in broad daylight and the thieves are dressing in police uniforms. BEQIR META

Kodër - Kamëz He was 21 years old when he was killed on 12 April by a teenager, on the day of the incident in the city of Durrës. Leti was 21 years old when he was killed on 12 April by a teenager, on the day of the incident in the city of Durrës. According to the report, a dialogue that ... is the burial of this dialogue that shook the entire neighborhood of Kodër Kamëz. Four days later, Hamza Fjeri, 45, a father of three, met the same fate. The incident took place at around 19:30 near the Agricultural University; in this case, too, the cause is unknown. What is known is that after returning from the funeral at midday, an explosion involving explosive material occurred in the neighborhood ... The sudden death shocked the people who were there and also caused damage to ... buildings and apartment blocks; the incident was described by the PTK of Kodër Kamëz.

BULQIZË: Numerous sources agree that the number of employees at the geological enterprise will be reduced to the extreme. There is talk of more than 100 geology workers—drillers, miners, blasters, etc. With these cuts, the ratio between senior specialists and workers will reach 1 to 1. No cuts among geologists have been mentioned. The disappearance of jobs now taking place in the geological service has immediately left hundreds of workers in Bulqizë and in the geological expeditions and teams throughout Dibër at the mercy of fate. In the longer term, the consequence will be the loss of the many untapped ... resources of Dibër ... riches? which would be enough to sustain and maintain at a level ... a population several times larger than that of the Dibër region today, and beyond. The silence in geology today brings to mind the “Nastradini” saying ... a tale whose voice will be heard tomorrow. B. ZALLI

SKRAPAR Unemployed, fearful and insecure, Çorovodë experienced one of the most serious and tragic incidents of recent years. It buried ... while six others, seriously wounded, await anxiously to see what will happen by tomorrow. Bashkim Pelivani, nine years old, died first. A few minutes later, his grandmother also lost her life. The third victim was ... Bashkim’s father and grandfather. Agroni and Hajrullai are in very serious condition. Bukuria Metani, who lives next to them, is still in danger. How did it happen? At around 23:30 on 29 April, unidentified people put an amount of explosive material (it is said, a pistol[?]?) in a bag and placed it on the car of an owner who had left it, as usual, at the entrance to the apartment building where the incident occurred. Someone saw the bag and set it on fire, but it exploded... And what happened, happened. The criminals may be caught. They may even be punished. Perhaps? Perhaps, because who knows whether those competent to classify and resolve the conflict will consider it a crime. But those who lost their lives? Will they return to their families? And will security and peace return to the city? Why do such crimes happen? Without going into detail, everything is plain to see. Someone who refuses to accept the absence of peace blames this transition. And this is the gravest killing being inflicted on the people. This is the most evident insecurity. The truth is that the SHIK and Public Order authorities have been taken over not by competent people but by rogëtarë. And so we will hear nothing but gunshots, killings and insecurity in Çorovodë too, just as we are hearing of them in Shkodër, Tropojë, Gjirokastër and everywhere. ENVER CAKA

Children are eating ruined 1960s biscuits intended for animals. The fact that the Albanian army strengthened its capabilities at the port of Durrës has become known: a Russian vessel was loaded... for the port of Liverpool, England, with around 3,500 tons of various goods, such as transport biscuits (hardtack), barriers, concrete structures, mattresses, field bakeries and other equipment. Unintentionally, the press—because of the scandalous fact of the shipment of biscuit products dating from 1960–63, which, although the Government spokesperson said on TV they are not harmful, are fit only for animals! and are being sold on the streets of Durrës and eaten by children—has, as far as we can see, failed to take another fact into consideration: the nature and purpose of this kind of aid, which the English donor took from the warehouses of the American base in Liverpool. (According to the account given by «Gazeta Shqiptare»). So, as part of the «modernization of ...» the Albanian army, the strengthening of its combat capability, and the preparations it is making to integrate into NATO structures in support of the war operations in Bosnia, might this kind of aid also be included? Could these be military emergency supplies? We do not want to draw conclusions about this matter, since despite our inquiries to the relevant bodies, no one is willing to provide an accurate answer. In this way, we are merely raising an idea, a thought, leaving it to our ministers of food, transport and defense, the State Audit Office, etc., to make an official statement about this kind of «emergency» humanitarian aid, its nature, usefulness and destination. ARBEN OSMANI

– Only because someone stole 3–4 km of the high-voltage line – Every day, on the bus that runs the Velipojë–Shkodër route, you see dozens of residents from Velipoja carrying mainly jerrycans and other water containers. They come to Shkodër, fill these containers with drinking water and then return by bus to Velipoja, to their homes. This means a 60-kilometer round trip each day, not counting the money they spend. Some residents we met as they were taking their water-filled jerrycans from the bus station on the Ka-1 line in Shkodër explained that since November of last year they have been forced to come into the city to fetch water. Previously, we were supplied with drinking water from the pumping station in Prush. But someone stole 3–4 km of the high-voltage line serving this station in November. In addition, they broke and stole many of the poles along this line. This left us without drinking water, and we had no other solution but to come to Shkodër. Some people cannot make this journey every day. We have raised our voices dozens of times. Indeed, at the two hunger strikes held in Velipojë, one of the strikers’ main demands was the repair of this line and the imposition of strict legal measures on those who dare to lay hands on and cut such important infrastructure. But now, they stress, we know one thing for certain: we have no water in Velipoja. Why has this line not been repaired? No excuse can be accepted for leaving it broken for months on end. This is a clear case of irresponsibility and a blatant lack of concern. Three or four kilometers of power line are stolen, causing the drinking-water supply to be cut off for nearly seven months across an entire area where, as far as we know, more than 6,000 people live, and those whose duty it is to act still fail to take immediate measures to repair and protect it on an ongoing basis. RUSA KURTULAJ

For ... and the expansion of the police SKRAPAR Humanitarian aid or