The old custom of the state, born at the same time as the state, is to devour its opponent... The Nano case is both exceptional and familiar. It is familiar because the old custom of the state, born at the same time as the state, is to devour its opponent. The Nano case is both exceptional and familiar. It is familiar because history of the state is a history filled with painful and macabre events in which those in power devour and eliminate their opponents, heedless of what may happen to them tomorrow. From this point of view, elimination and devouring are functions of the state, of those who steer the state's helm. Society will apparently suffer this for a long time, as long as the state cannot eliminate this functional habit of its own. Indeed, the more backward societies are in terms of spiritual, intellectual and economic development, the more painful these eliminations and settling of scores are. The Nano case is exceptional in the way it was carried out. He becomes the target of legal coercion and is sentenced after becoming chairman of an opposition party which, to the misfortune of his former rulers, seeks to defend pure human ideals, to make an effort on behalf of a large number of members and supporters, and to defend the national cause. A party that has something to say about justice and democracy and about protecting the human dimension. The chairman of the Socialist Party is arrested at a particular moment, when the political struggle had grown more intense and, furthermore, people's disillusionment with the government's promises and deeds had begun to gather the force of a hurricane. He is arrested when the chairman of the SP, Fatos Nano, expressing the demands and interests of a large number of people, called for a change in the course of government. Fatos Nano is arrested by the DP state through a series of flagrant violations of legal procedures and constitutional law, at a highly significant moment when the Socialist Party was about to organize a peaceful rally in one of Tirana's squares. The arrest meant cutting off the head in order to spread terror and fear among the mass of SP members and supporters. Fatos Nano is arrested, held in prison and sentenced by the court of first instance to 12 years' imprisonment, despite being a member of the People's Assembly. The mandate of the deputy elected by the voters of Kuçovë is turned into a card without any value. A sign of a lack of civilization is settling scores with opponents of the regime without a trial, through weapons, car accidents or other incidents, poisonings and other methods attested to by history. In societies that claim to be democratic, settling scores is more “civilized.” They know how to use the lever of the court, to find a circle? (and it is not difficult to find such people) who will carry out party orders to the letter, even though they knowingly become the executioners of the settling of scores. Neither the political spiteful ones nor the executioners who settle scores understand that they are nothing in the eyes of public opinion, of the people. To avoid speaking in generalities, I want to recall that Fatos Nano was elected by the people of Kuçovë, who are being deprived for 8 months of contact with their own deputy. In the Nano case, a great many people made their views known by signing a petition with more than 700,000 signatures; they have expressed their opinion at meetings and various rallies of the SP, in telegrams and letters addressed to the entire state political and judicial hierarchy. There have also been statements on the Nano case from important European bodies. What draws attention is that, despite the European bodies having had a host of major issues and events to deal with, from European unification to the war in Bosnia, they still found the time and place to make public statements on the Nano case, concerning the deputy from Kuçovë. And still Fatos Nano remains locked in prison. All those who have spoken out on the “Nano case” are thus shown to be mistaken, while only his sentence appears to be “invited” and on the right track. Truth and justice can indeed be denied and concealed temporarily, and may be slow to emerge, but history shows that they are vindicated and prevail. The light of truth will dispel the darkness of deception. And history does not begin after this. It has been made and is being made. It is merciless toward usurpers of the truth, toward those who take pleasure in biting it. But what about after the incident? It seems to me that harsh language was used—or perhaps there was no single line. Day by day, President Berisha seems more realistic and shows a willingness to seek understanding. If two days earlier the government statement blamed the Greek government, saying that “Greek special forces organized the attack,” Berisha, at his meeting with German ambassador Vollers on 13 April, said: “We ask it [the Greek government] to find the culprits, because it may not be directly responsible for this incident.” Then, a day later, on 14 April, Foreign Minister Serreqi, in a letter to Colin Keating, president of the UN Security Council, called on the Security Council to place the Greek government among the countries that practice state terrorism...” I do not want to get caught up here in word games about what one person or another said, or to expose the contradictions, but state policy must speak with one voice; there must be prudence, clarity and a clear line; we must call things by their proper names. If we are convinced that the terrorist act was organized by the Greek government, let us make that demand of it unequivocally and call it what it should be called. If we are not convinced, let us still demand accountability, but use a different, more measured term. This also determines the degrees of response: measured, considered and supported by arguments. For example, what changed between the first decision to expel a large part of the personnel of the Greek embassy in Albania and the second decision not to implement it? It seems that the matter was judged more realistically, though it is not clear whether there was some other reason. With these ... [Part of the article cut off at the upper edge] ... defense of SP, Fatos ... ... [cut-off section] party orders, eyes of public opinion[?]...

BASHKIM ZENELI Member of the Presidency of the Socialist Party, deputy[?] Albanian public opinion, as well as international opinion, is now familiar with the event of 10 April 1994 near the village of Peshkëpi in the district of Gjirokastër, where a terrorist band, dressed in Greek army uniforms, killed officer Fatmir Shehu and soldier Arsen Gjini and wounded several others. During this period, numerous statements and briefings by spokespeople have been made; a meeting of the border commissions was held in Janina; information from the Albanian foreign minister was heard in Parliament; decisions restricting the respective embassy personnel in Tirana and Athens were adopted and then frozen or cancelled, and so on. Now we await 3 May, when Serreqi and Papulias will sit down at a table in Switzerland. After the incident, Albanian-Greek relations cooled, froze and became strained. This is felt in Albania, and it is felt in Greece too. The act of 10 April was criminal, piratical and unprecedented. Our national interests and Albania's sovereignty were openly violated. Why and how did such a grave incident happen so easily? Is the Greek government directly responsible for this crime? I do not believe so. It seems to me that, considering many factors, both bilateral and regional, such an act is not in the Greek government's political interest. Therefore, I have the impression that it showed restraint. But the Greek government cannot be unaware of the activities of the chauvinist “Vorioepirote” organizations, because they openly spread propaganda and carry out anti-Albanian activities; and, whatever the circumstances, as long as the government governs the country, it is answerable for what happens with its neighbors. If this is properly understood, measures can also be taken to prevent similar or other actions. But this must also be examined in Albania, and someone must bear responsibility here too. How did it happen, why did it happen, what goes on in a military unit that is not even a disco or a kindergarten? Again: how could such a grave act happen so easily? Our specialized and competent bodies must answer this. Those responsible must also be identified, all the way up the chain. As neighbors, we have wanted and continue to want good relations with Greece. We have wanted and continue to want to rise above the incident, because we must look toward a long-term policy and prospects for cooperation and understanding. Albania and Greece have both expressed this belief. Even in recent days, President Berisha, in an interview given to the ANA news agency on 4 April, repeated that “Albania and Greece have overcome the crisis and are improving their relations following the visit of Foreign Minister Karolos Papulias.” I think Albanian-Greek relations will develop further in the future. Berisha's meetings with Papulias in Tirana have been fruitful. Papulias's personal contribution was also appreciated, as a friend of the Albanians and as an early initiator of the normalization of relations between the two countries. Serreqi also spoke of a new stage in friendly relations with Greece at the press conference during Papulias's visit. Foreign ministers came and went. I recall that in Albania people were pleased to hear me say that I want Albanian policy to show realism and clarity at every step. I want no ill-considered and unjustified institutional measures to be taken. Of course, we have had and will have problems with Greece; even today, there are many things to resolve. But there is no reason for a government statement to mention Greek paramilitary bands of generals, colonels or lieutenants from 1912–1941. Yes, I will mention these too, because history is history, but I will mention them when I am convinced that the act of 10 April was also the direct work of the Greek government; I will mention them when I see that not a single step has been taken with Greece during these two years of government, and when I am convinced that during these two years the Greek government has not only shown no willingness for good-neighborly relations, but has undermined them. Then, yes! Or a very natural question occurs to me: Minister Serreqi is asking for Greece to be placed among the countries that practice state terrorism... I, as a deputy, but also as a citizen, as an Albanian, ask: What will our relations with a “terrorist state” be in the future? What strategy will we have, what tactics will we follow? Will we even have diplomatic relations with a “terrorist state” or not? If we do, might Albania be accused tomorrow of maintaining such relations? The Declaration of the People's Assembly of Albania does not call for Greece to be placed on the list of “states that practice state terrorism.” What mandate does the foreign minister—or even the government—have to apply such labels? There are norms in international relations, there are stages, concrete steps, escalations, and positions that follow from such designations. In its declaration of 22 April, the spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs speaks of “outbursts,” of easing tensions between the two countries, and of a policy of good-neighborliness. Very well. But the minister, Serreqi, did not tell us a single word here in Parliament about what our relations with Greece will be tomorrow! Is it normal for the deputy foreign minister, together with the minister of Public Order, to inform the diplomatic corps in Tirana before informing the Albanian Parliament? On 3 May Serreqi will meet Papulias. What is he going to discuss: relations with a “terrorist state,” or good-neighborly relations, while naturally seeking detailed clarification of the crime of 10 April? I say this because, while Minister Serreqi is asking the Security Council to label Greece a “terrorist state,” US President Clinton, speaking at a press conference on 22 April about the recent tensions between Greece and Albania, said: “I believe, presumably, that Greece is acting with genuine restraint and sound judgment.” So should we not be careful, realistic and constructive when using labels such as Serreqi's? May his trip to Switzerland go well; let him not sit down at the table with scraps of paper, as he spoke in Parliament, because he is inexperienced and puffed up...? He ... [Continuation of an article cut off at the top edge] ... Greek Papoulina in Tirana were fruitful. His relations between the two countries. Serreqi also expressed support for press conference during Papoulis’s visit. Ministers and deputy ministers came and went. Who[?] in Albania was not pleased by this new climate, by this mutual trust in the possibility of cooperation and good-neighborly relations? that harsh language was used, or that there was no consistent line. Day by day, President Berisha appears to be showing greater realism and government’s statement had on April 13, said: “We are asking may not be directly responsible for this incident.” Then, one day later, on April 14, Foreign Minister Serreqi, in a letter addressed to Colin Keating, President of the UN Security Council, asked the Security Council to denounce the Greek government among the states caught up here in a play on words about what one person said or another, or to expose the contradictions. But in state policy, we must speak with one voice; we need terrorist act was organized by the Greek government, we should it should be called. If we are not convinced, we should still demand accountability, but use a different, more carefully considered term. The degrees of escalation in the conflict are then determined accordingly: measured, studied, initial decision to expel a large part of the staff judged more realistically, though it is not known whether there was some other reason. (Continued on page 2).

The Draft Constitution Commission has not met for 3 months. This news was confirmed yesterday by deputies who are members of the commission for drafting the draft constitution. The state's fundamental law, the one that guarantees the institutionalization of democracy and the fundamental freedoms and human rights, will continue to be absent for Albanians. At the same time, it is what will once again leave Albanians outside Europe, since it is one of the constituent parts, a basic condition that Europe sets as part of its standards. According to the deputies who confirmed the news to us, there are two reasons why the commission has not met. First, the commission's last meeting featured “major d[?]isputes” between deputies from different political forces; second, there is fear of a parliamentary crisis if the draft constitution is submitted to Parliament for approval. And so, while Albanians are seeking the institution that will guarantee them what the criminal and civil codes, and the Stalinism of '76, deny them, someone—or certain sections of the authorities—is not inclined to provide it. Indeed, there are circles and forces aiming to keep Albania outside Europe. ENCO DUKA

- The vice-chairman of the Albanian Socialist Party, comrade Servet Pëllumbi, took part Welcome, Eurosocialists! This was the warm welcome with which boys and girls in the main square of the town of Rrëshen greeted the young people[?]. The Eurosocialist Youth Movement came from all the northeastern districts of Albania—from Shkodra and Tropoja, Laçi and Puka, Kukës and Mati, Rrëshen—and Mirdita was the host. Among them were leaders of the Albanian Eurosocialist Forum and members of the People's Assembly Pandeli Majko and Ndre Legisi, as well as senior leaders of the Eurosocialist Forum's Presidency. The vice-chairman of the Albanian Socialist Party, Prof. Servet Pëllumbi, also stood out. The young Eurosocialist Arbën Gjini “M[?]” uzhtari[?]... and they expressed their commitment to meet these new standards with dignity. He then[?]... would open the guidance in a[?]... filled with the movement of the Reds, welcoming them ... expressing ... The transition in the northeastern area, its particular features and the problems of youth. “None of us,” it was said at the meeting, “intends to deny the achievements that are grounded in everyone's will to establish a truly democratic order. But the difficulties faced by most people—the economic and social crisis, corruption and theft, the risk of renewed isolation from Europe, unemployment, violations of human rights and freedoms—are signs that the current holders of power have been completely exhausted. Aspirations and reality have moved far apart. This situation, understandably, weighs on young people. Not only in terms of realizing their own demands, but also because of the vision with which they entered the democratic processes. The profile of the young person's sporting movement is a clause for Albanian youth. Unemployment is among the most tangible problems. In Mirdita alone, of 8,500 people who have lost their jobs, 5,100 are young and are seeking [work?]. The educated labor market, falling prices and declining purchasing power are factors that are also keeping the private sector weak. The privatization of small and medium-sized enterprises through decisions of the privatization boards has narrowed a space that, in an integrated way, would have resolved employment and ownership problems. - The lack of organized emigration, limited opportunities for employment and education, the failure to establish law and order, and violations of human rights, especially against the opposition, are among the accusations that the Eurosocialists also level at today's rulers. - Democratic socialism—the alternative that offers optimal solutions, the value of organizational forms so far. “We, as young people,” it was said at the meeting, “are clear that democratic socialism is an alternative that offers the people and children more optimal solutions. Therefore, we are aware of the struggle we wage along the democratic paths that have been followed and that we continue to follow, until our alternative wins. The Eurosocialist Youth has, and will have, at the foundation of its activity, the sacred national ideals, progress, a spirit of sincere relations, cooperation and good will... (Continued on page 3)

DELVINË The PD's wolves are circling the refrigerator State bank loans are buying state property, making “party loyalists” its owners. A fight has broken out in Delvinë over who will get the city's large refrigerator, one of the biggest in the southern district. The branch of the Privatization Agency in this district is moving heaven and earth to prevent the privatization from taking place through an auction sale. The auction had been scheduled for 14 April. The workers' side at this refrigerator was unrestrained. But the PD side was absent—the side that, according to the strategy of “plundering national wealth,” must capture the ... and the property as well. Therefore, an auction was not held with the “team” of the PD side made up of these gentlemen: Mr. Agur, Jupli, chairman of the PD in Delvinë; Mr. Bajram Kënace, PD instructor; Mr. Dhurim Alimani, a PD cadre and head of the Privatization Agency in Delvinë; and Mr. Xhafer Dauti, whose sole personal merit is that he spent 15 years in prison “for politics.” On the other side are 17 workers, led by Mr. Syrja Boci. At a meeting in recent days of the district branch of the PD, the Privatization Agency, despite all the efforts of Mr. Dhurim Alimani, failed to secure the necessary votes to “fatten up the ...” and leave the “icebox” to the PD's insatiable lot. ♦ Many participants, some swept along with the crowd and others out of fear, abstained from voting. (Continued on page 4)

On Friday, 29.IV.94, at 10:00, a meeting of the General Governing Committee will be held at the headquarters of the Socialist Party in Tirana. Members of the Committee and deputies of the Socialist Party are notified to attend the meeting. The Presidency of the SP, Tirana