While President Berisha defends a failed practice — Unemployment compared between Albania, Poland and Hungary While President Berisha defends a failed practice Shock therapy has caused economic destruction and great social pain in Albania — Unemployment compared between Albania, Poland and Hungary At the end of 1993, according to assessments by experts from the Vienna Institute for Comparative Economic Studies and the Austrian Public Institute for Eastern and Southeastern Europe. In Poland, the number of unemployed reached three million people, or 16 percent of the active population. In Hungary, the unemployment rate reached 12 percent. The causes of rising unemployment in these countries are the same, the institute notes: the closure of unprofitable public enterprises has not been offset by the private sector. Serious analysts say that one of the main reasons for the left’s victories in both countries—leading the electorate, within four years, to lose faith in the right’s ability to do anything to genuinely improve their livelihood—is the high level of unemployment resulting from shock therapy, which considerably increased the number of unemployed. On this occasion, it is worth drawing a comparison with Albania. According to data from the State Institute of Statistics, at the end of last year 454,000 people were employed in the state sector and 101,000 in the private sector. There were 231,000 unemployed; 139,000 were receiving assistance. The figures above show that the level of unemployment exceeds 40 percent. Compared with the corresponding figures for Poland and Hungary, they need no comment: shock therapy in Albania has caused social pain and suffering far greater than in the aforementioned countries, where the left won the elections.

BASHKIM ZËNELI Member of Parliament: The day before yesterday, television news broadcasts reported that the Albanian Deputy Foreign Minister, Arjan Starova, had summoned the Greek ambassador in Tirana, Tsalikis, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and proposed that Greece’s Foreign Minister, Papulias, meet in Albania. As is known, President Berisha made such a proposal several days ago. Yet yesterday no newspaper published this significant news, although AFP, REUTERS, and others carried it. (I have raised this in Parliament as well, and have spoken with officials at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs about how such news, statements and meetings involving the Foreign Minister, as in the case of Zyrhuti on 3 May, should be distributed through ATSH to all media outlets, rather than being distributed only to RD because of the subjectivity and the party-state concept. The people should learn not only through RD what the President, Prime Minister, Foreign Minister, etc. are doing.) I have dwelt somewhat on this technical aspect because our request for Papulias to visit Tirana seems to me a loyal step by our state, a positive gesture—one that Serreqi did not show in the slightest when he came to Parliament on 14 April, and which should have been made public yesterday. Berisha’s proposal was welcomed by Mr. Papulias before he left for Geneva yesterday, but a question naturally arises: When will government representatives come to Parliament to answer the questions raised after the incident with Greece? This has been included in Parliament’s work plan, but experience has shown us that such matters often remain plans on deputies’ desks, or are postponed as long as the government or one minister or another wishes. Nor are these questions formalities. Whether well or poorly phrased, with or without «bias», they are questions inviting the deputies to debate, inviting them to express their views on the events of 10 April, but above all on the prospects for relations with Greece—which, naturally, despite the incidents, we want to be good. This is the will of our peoples. Because we, as members of Parliament, have learned nothing about Serreqi’s meeting with Papulias in Zyrh or the prospects for dialogue, apart from the public announcement by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This is not at all normal, even for the Presidium of the People’s Assembly. Likewise, as members of Parliament, we know nothing about the progress of the investigation into the incident, or about any old or new evidence uncovered; whether it has been made available to the Greek side, or what reactions there have been. In response to journalists’ questions in recent days, the Greek government spokesman, Mr. Venizellos, said that «no evidence was presented at the meeting of the Joint Commission in Janina». What is the truth? Is there anything for our Foreign Ministry spokesman to respond to on this point, or not? Why this lack of transparency? This cloud of suspicion? That is precisely why government representatives, whether Minister Serreqi or someone else, must come to Parliament and provide full explanations. It is important to dot the «i’s» properly in our official policy on relations with Greece. This is also important because on 26 May the Foreign Ministers will meet in Paris to advance the Stability Pact (the Balladyr initiative), with almost all European countries, the USA, Canada, representatives of the CSCE, the Western European Union, the Council of Europe, etc. taking part. The fundamental objective of this community initiative is to develop relations between neighbouring countries and resolve problems between them. Diplomacy must therefore be well prepared, because relations with Greece are frozen. We do not want them to remain so.

As we have pointed out from time to time, the Municipality of Durrës and the Telekom directorate... As we have pointed out from time to time, the Municipality of Durrës and the Telekom directorate in Durrës have insta-

— The strike at the joint venture «ITALDRURI» has ended — After work was halted for more than three weeks, the workers of the Italian-Albanian joint venture «Italdruri» (the former wood-processing combine) returned to work. The management of this enterprise, without wishing to make further comments, told the newspaper that, following the agreement reached between them and the strike committee, the strike had been a good lesson for both sides, workers and employers alike. They went on to say that the resumption of work is also an expression of their commitment to the proper operation and success of this joint venture or company, which in the future will

Immediately after the statement he made a week earlier, which set the tone for the entire Saturday press conference, that «I assure you the elections will be held in 700 days», President Berisha, naturally counting the days, travelled to Hungary and then Romania, invited by his counterparts in these Eastern European countries. And, as a «successful needle» [as printed], Berisha brought out the «success» for broadcast on TV-SH, embellishing it with the usual interviews. Berisha did the same a day after returning from Hungary and Romania, except that he added one more «striking argument» to counter the socialist opposition and its demand for early elections. So, after «there is no crisis in Albania» and «the socialists’ demand is not serious», Berisha delivered another blow at thin air: in Hungary, elections were held exactly after four years. «This means that there was individual and political attention in Hungary to respect the free truth, and respect for the free vote is the first foundation of democracy», Mr. Berisha continued, causing a burst of air with Shpëtim Rojt’s face not looking at all happy. Because, in front of their screens, Albanians saw the truth for themselves. For the fact that the four-year term was respected in Hungary, where the socialists of Gjula Horn won a few days ago, while the four-year term was not respected in Italy, where in early elections Mr. Berisha’s applauded ally Silvio Berlusconi won; nor was it respected in Spain, where the socialists of Gonzalës won in early elections; nor in Greece, where the socialists of Papandreu won in early elections—none of this constitutes an argument that early elections should not be held in Albania. Moreover, respect for the free vote has nothing to do with whether elections are held on schedule or not, or whether they are early or not. What matters is whether people are free at the ballot boxes or under pressure, whether elections are fair or the free vote is stolen and manipulated, whether the cont- [text cut off] (Continued on page 2)

As we have pointed out from time to time, during the nearly two years of its existence, the Municipality of Durrës and its leaders, following the political directives of the DP, have been «noted» for actions that violate the law and the respect for fundamental human rights and freedoms. The legal rights of time to time, during the nearly two years of its existence, the Municipality of Durrës and its leaders, following the political directives of the DP, have been «noted» for actions that violate the law and the respect for fundamental human rights and freedoms. One of these flagrant violations is its repeated operations to remove the telephones of Durrës residents, prompted mainly by their political beliefs. Considering these actions abusive and illegal, with undertones of state coercion and even corruption, and amounting to abuse of office by municipal leaders and the so-called committees behind them, Socialist and Democratic councillors, together with residents, have reported them and even taken the matter to court. These violations have also been strongly protested, and the Telekom directorate in Durrës and the highest authorities have been informed. We have recently learned that, after 250 telephones had been disconnected on the municipality’s orders, Telekom completed implementation of that order for one thousand lines, and that for the past two days the same telephone connections have been restored to those residents who had been targeted on the lists sent for disconnection, under an order deemed illegal. With this action, which should be welcomed, Telekom corrects one of the legal violations committed by the leaders of the Municipality of Durrës, giving it a good lesson in law: the violation of the law and true democracy call for respect for the laws, not arbitrariness or a spirit of revenge involving the settling of scores with political opponents. Correspondent of “Zëri i popullit”

From the SOROS Foundation Seminar Yesterday, the two-day seminar organized by the Soros Foundation in Tirana through the Newspaper Training Center on press distribution came to an end. For two days, Albanian press distributors and invited foreign representatives exchanged experiences on how to improve the distribution of the press in the countryside, where 65 percent of the population lives, and make press distribution more profitable. In connection with the seminar, we asked Marianne Sullivan, an American journalist with the Training Center and co-director of the seminar, for her views. Speaking about some experiences, she said that the seminar was important because, for the first time, the Soros Foundation, through the Journalists’ Training Center, had organized a meeting of journalists, publishers and press distribution agencies in Tirana and the districts. (Continued on page 6)

Perhaps the phenomenon is similar throughout Albania, but in Fier very few PD leaders remain who have not become owners of the wealth that the people created with blood and sweat. Public opinion remembers these defeated thieves, at least 50 years old, and thinks they would have had enough honor to hide away in the warehouses and factories they have taken, rather than come out like robbers, teaching the peo- (Continued on page 2)

— Interview with People’s Artist Luftar Paja, given to journalist Bashkim Koçi — — Luftar, how shall we begin the interview, with politics or with art? — Please, not politics. Leave that damned thing alone, because to tell you the truth, it feels as though I’m devoting myself to that damned thing... I’d rather express myself, since it puts food on our children’s table. All the more so for us artists of the stage and theatre. Because, as you say, politics is also an art in its own right, but honesty and dedication are what its “actors” perform this art with. — You are a well-known artist, a People’s Artist. In this sense, you are loved and respected not only by the hierarchy, but by all Albanian art lovers. What can you say about the “silence” people have noticed from you in recent years? — Like everything else, theatre and variety shows also have their “decade” period; they are a measure that comes to an end in things. In a word, like all workers. In a word, like all artists. In the past, I expressed myself... This period, when I had become “old,” I expressed myself... each season... with the artists, it was... Much more... But a little of... (the following text is partly illegible) — The transition has been difficult, especially economically. How is Luftar getting through this period and meeting his family’s needs? — I may be wrong, but I have come to the conclusion that the artist remains in the “column” of the poor. For example, together with my colleagues I have a long work history. If I start from the time when I was an amateur theatre performer, it comes to 30 years of work. I haven’t been able to meet the requirements and fulfill my wishes, but my passion for art has made me ignore the economic side. There are five of us in my family. My son, who is of working age, is unemployed. Only my wife works, and she receives a very small salary, with which she cannot afford to buy the necessities. Things have reached the point where our family of three is supported by my pension, which is small. — is small. (Continued on page 5)

Among the annals of English biscuits: Through the annals of English biscuits: Has the Albanian prime minister heard about the biscuits...? Biscuits that came from England have acquired many names in their wake. Their “poisoning” affected many people, some of whom “washed themselves clean” by leaving them behind. At least they were freed, hoping in the liquid that supposedly says, “I spoke, I soothed my soul.” Directors, secretaries, ministers spoke—all those whose signatures had been put on official Council documents concerning the matter. But not everyone has spoken. One of them, perhaps not the last, continues to remain silent. It is the Albanian Prime Minister, Aleksandër Meksi. We do not know how much he likes biscuits, but requests made to his office several times in a row over two days to meet him received only silence in response. It seems rather strange! Especially considering that his secretary and adviser (of whom he undoubtedly has many) have not yet informed him, apparently considering that the lesser evil was to refuse, because perhaps the Prime Minister himself needs to speak. It might be better for him. It is true that the Prime Minister is well informed about this matter. This certainty does not arise only from the fact that senior officials in his administration have dealt with it, and that several letters informing him about the biscuit issue have been sent to him, but also because he himself issued orders under his signature on how they should be dealt with. In February 1994, the Director of State Reserves sent a letter to Deputy Meksi, informing him of the arrival of the first shipments of this aid across the Greek border. In his letter, he raised concerns, describing them as unusable. But what was Mr. Meksi’s response to this letter and these concerns? Almost four months have passed! In fact, he gave an indirect response by ordering them to be stored in other warehouses, which until now have been at the port of Durrës! When he heard that they were unusable, did the Prime Minister order them to be “hidden” and disposed of? And if the directors in Greece, while the Director of Standards and Quality says that no more were produced after this batch? Does Mr. Prime Minister know that this is what Mr. Palushi wrote in his letter? Greece and contacted the English and Greek parties who were to take responsibility for bringing them to our country? In whose name did the Prime Minister’s adviser go there, if not on behalf of the Albanian government? And when the second shipment arrived through the port of Durrës, did this “emergency” aid seem so desirable to you, Mr. Prime Minister, at a time when this kind of aid was no longer mentioned in your government’s declarations and plans? They are now registered as state property. Can we be told what their value is and who will be held responsible for this loss? What will be done with them is another question that the Prime Minister himself must answer, after... (the text here is partly illegible) when the State Reserves Directorate’s “warehouses” arrived? This problem has been raised in the press for days, and perhaps Meksi himself considered it too insignificant to comment on this silence...? (the lower part of the text is partly illegible) ARDIAN MYSLIMI