In Parliament: At yesterday’s session of the People’s Assembly, it was approved that the motion of no confidence in Prime Minister Meksi, which, as is known, had been requested some time ago by the Parliamentary Group of the Socialist Party following the fascist events in Lushnjë and on the day of the early elections for commune chairman, be placed on the agenda for discussion by 27 July. We clarify that the motion will be discussed after the statement by Democratic Party President Sali Berisha, who, as he recalled, described the votes “forced into place by criminals and mafiosi” as a bouquet of flowers for the Democratic Party. Regarding Mr. Berisha’s position at the national meeting of the DP on the fascist acts committed by gangs of janissaries and centikë a month ago in Lushnjë, on behalf of all Socialist Party parliamentarians I request permission to read a statement, said the chairman of this group, MP Musa Ulqini. But Pjetri did not let him finish even the first paragraph, saying that we already knew these things. After ordering the interruption, he switched off the microphone, got up and left slowly, apparently tired both from the heat and from the many tasks he carries on his shoulders. “Correspondent of ‘Zëri i Popullit’”

Statement by the Socialist Parliamentary Group Today marks exactly one month since the early elections were held in five communes of the country. Exactly one month ago, supporters of the Socialist Party, especially those in the commune of Libofshë, experienced cruel psychological, political and physical terror. This terror was not spontaneous, but organized by specialized sections of today’s state, which calls itself democratic. The way the party members in power and partisan state officials truly experienced the dramatic events in Libofshë and the other violent acts during the 29 May elections is a telling indication of the matter; those events marked another peak in the government’s brutality toward the opposition. Meanwhile, the President of the Republic continued to remain silent. The country’s highest-ranking statesman could not fail to condemn them, since he was in Albania. Exactly one month ago, three times in a single day—at 9:45, 10:30 and 11:30 in the morning on 29 May—he was informed by the PSSH protest about what was happening in Libofshë. On 7 June 1994, he also received a letter from the PS parliamentary group which, after reminding him of the same matter, requested that he make a public statement and (Continued on page 3)

- “Pole of development” or the extreme polarization of society? - The state’s coffers are no longer filled by foreign alms, but by taxes. - Per-capita income doubles; expenditure increases tenfold. - The “Albanian miracle”—a propaganda serial to preserve power. The speech by the President of the Republic at the enlarged meeting of the DP National Council could not fail to attract public interest. Indeed, the official media, being under the arm of the party in power, did not hold back but described Berisha’s speech as an “important speech.” It might even have been “historic,” and, in the scorching heat of this summer, could have prompted irresponsible comparisons with those of a bygone era. So what did the President say to the circle of people from his party? A perhaps borrowed term, “Pole of high growth rates,” introduced as a novelty into the President’s political vocabulary, was used by him as the central reference point for affirming the “achievements” of the party in power over these two years. But many people remember Berisha’s first speeches after the DP victory. They spoke of a difficult transition to a market economy and said that it would take at least 15–20 years before Albania could begin to move forward on its own at the pace of the civilized world, and so on. Today, the President and his party do not hesitate to proclaim an “Albanian miracle” and a “pole of hope” or a “pole of high growth rates.” What, in reality, does this “pole” of hope represent? If, for the President, the pole of hope means a ranking of a number of economic indicators (whose growth is doubtful), a new administration (but one extremely incapable of solving the problems of the time), the number of cars, satellite dishes or kiosks, then for the majority this “pole” represents the most vivid example of the extreme polarization of Albanian society. The first millionaires have indeed been born and are growing in number, but every day more people are struggling to make ends meet. The unemployed, those receiving assistance, and people wandering the streets selling cigarettes and bananas to secure the barest minimum for survival are witnesses to the pronounced polarization of poor society. These may be called the laws of the market economy, one might say. But one may also ask about the absence of the so-called “social dimension.” In the service of his apolitical stance, the President rejected statistics concerning the “doubling of per-capita income.” Fair enough, but people’s household accounts also include expenses. What levels have these reached? The statistics indirectly provide this figure too. Prices have risen tenfold on average. Expenses have risen by as much, or even more. The President himself provides evidence of this in his speech when he states that “60 percent of the state budget is covered by alms and humanitarian aid.” And today, what covers the sickly state budget? A glance at its revenues shows that more than 80 percent comes from taxes. Those who bear the burden know best where these taxes come from: the exhausted Albanians. For the latter, the expression “the greatest good for the greatest number” sounds like nothing more than an outdated slogan. It is becoming increasingly clear to them that the greatest good belongs only to a few DP supporters, a number of sycophants and corrupt people who raise their hands to line their pockets. The DP is gradually crystallizing its own economic class, its own support base. The DP leaders, from the center down to the grassroots, have been put to work in the service of this platform. The privatization boards in the districts, made up of people who take their orders from the DP, have become instruments for privatizing national assets, thereby further widening the gap between the “pole of hope” and the “pole of poverty.” The President says, “Privatization will be effective only, and only, within the framework of competition.” But in reality, privatization, as an important means of transforming collective property into private property from which all citizens should benefit, is being implemented according to the principle “might makes right,” and the auction has been almost abandoned. So where is the competition? Does President Berisha know anything about dignity? One cannot say “no,” since the President himself states: “Let us not forget that only three years ago the citizens of Tirana and other cities dared to enjoy and take [unclear], something or the pies that were sold in the streets; people, like other citizens, with their [unclear] health, especially under the Stalinist constitution of total collectivization, are today the owners of shops, restaurants and small kiosks, which promise to become even bigger tomorrow.” So the economic class of the DP that has emerged will grow strong and healthy under the party’s care. In his speech, after affirming the great victories of economic reforms in Albania, the President laid out the markers for the future, saying that “rapid economic growth for Albanians today is the major national objective of the Democratic Party and of democratic forces as a whole.” The President added: “Ensuring rapid economic growth is our greatest test; it is the historic challenge that we must face.” The President’s affirmation of the DP’s greatest objective, precisely after his party had been in power for two years, can only be interpreted as a retreat from the state’s high expectations regarding its work to date. Otherwise, why remember the greatest objective after two years in charge? On the other hand, announcing the DP’s objective in the present circumstances, when evidence and scandals within its ranks have become standard practice, cannot but bring to mind the anecdote about leaders who, after using up the first envelope intended for their successor, on which was written “Blame everything on your predecessor,” opened the next envelope; when the time came, they opened the second envelope, which contained the words: “Perform self-criticism and make promises for the future.” Does the DP’s objective of “rapid economic growth” not look like that? How will the DP achieve this growth when it has reduced production to miserable levels, when foreign investment remains far below expected levels, and when investors still feel deterred by the lack of a complete legal framework for this purpose? These facts have also been acknowledged by diplomats representing the countries from which investments are expected, who describe the situation as unclear and uncertain. Will the DP find the strength to stop its unpaid representatives in the districts from acting, while, according to the President, it is “creating a state of balance, not a state-run business”? And will the DP also be able to resolve the contradiction between “rapid economic growth” and the implementation of a social policy? The record of these two years under DP leadership bears witness to the DP’s failures in these fields. That is why the DP, through the President, is once again putting the major objective of high growth rates on the political market today, thereby signaling that the propaganda serial to preserve power at all costs will continue. - AHMET MELLI

Delvinë Dr. SERVET PELLUMBI: “The processes and difficulties of transition call for more capable governance and broader social support. Therefore, new early elections are needed.” Delvinë Growing the electorate and popular support calls for a more liberating party Dr. SERVET PELLUMBI: “The processes and difficulties of transition call for more capable governance and broader social support. Therefore, new early elections are needed.” Delvinë was separated from Sarandë years ago; it lost not only its access to the sea, but much more. Here is one figure. The town has 980 registered residents (including the many emigrants, whose number nobody knows). But look at the social-assistance figures: according to the employment office, 445 [unclear] receive assistance; according to the municipality, 475 families, or 1,585 people. Isn’t that a lot? Governance and administration are catastrophic; such a high figure cannot cope with the situation as it stands, more or less. In my view, new elections must be held in order to achieve responsible governance. People in the town are dissatisfied with the situation. In addition, the same trend is growing. There are no schools, vocational schools or proper employment centers. We need to address the issue of work. Questions and answers from the floor. Those present expressed their distress at this difficult economic situation and at the nervousness of the people, apparent from what was said above. In these areas, what exists is not enough. (Continued on page 2)

Kolonjë 2,400 unemployed people left stranded Kolonjë Let us make broad use of all available potential to intensify the party’s activity at every level 2,400 unemployed people left stranded The Socialists of Kolonjë reviewed their work and activities at the district Party conference, which took place a few days ago. The report was delivered by Sotir Kokeri, chairman of the district PS council. It was a general account of the Party’s work and organizational struggle, based on the balance between conferences and its ongoing fundamental direction. “Putting this issue at the heart of the conference’s content called for consideration of a series of factors. Here, as elsewhere in the country and in the district of Kolonjë, political life is characterized by phenomena and contradictions that are only increasing. The new class struggle has become the policy and politics of the Democratic Party, which is put into practice by using people for political persecution, with their political convictions as its focus, while [?] 24.1 continues to be the [unclear] found among the Socialists, throwing them onto the streets regardless of whether they are specialists or work in other fields. But although they have been attacked, the Socialists and their organizations have not remained silent; instead, they have worked in the field and carried out projects in their lives to defend basic rights and freedoms. In general, they have taken on the political struggle being waged nationwide, protesting against the unlawful arbitrariness carried out by PSSH Fatos Nano, and have demanded recognition and respect for the National Liberation War and the blood of the martyrs of freedom. At demonstrations organized on these and other issues, the Socialists and patriotic people of Kolonjë have been attacked by the police, but they have never backed down. They have not been deceived in their [unclear] (Continued on page 2)

GRAMOZ RUÇI: The meeting and strategy of the Democratic Party aim to destroy the Socialist Party; Fatos Nano was arrested and [unclear]. But we are not afraid. The DP’s attacks show that its power is in crisis, while the Socialist Party is gaining more ground every day in public opinion, and Fatos Nano has become a symbol of steadfast resistance against the police state of Sali Berisha’s regime. The conference of the Socialist Party of the Gramsh district, which held its proceedings in recent days, marked the successful culmination of the campaign for new elections within the party. It followed an analysis of two years of work and focused extensively on the difficulties and obstacles created by the central government for the opposition and for local government, where the Socialists are dominant. Both the report and many discussions stressed the need for market-economy reforms, but not according to the whims of government officials; rather, they should follow economic laws that also take citizens’ interests into account. In this context, the conference stressed that the Socialist Party is aware of its great responsibility, not only to its own electorate but also to the country. The PS representatives in local government in Gramsh have done their part and justified the trust the people placed in them in the elections of 26 July 1993, as shown by the fact that the land is 100 percent [unclear] and 96 percent has title deeds. The fact that, of the district’s 27 enterprises, 24 are being transferred into the ownership of their workers by decision of the privatization board shows that Socialists can govern with skill and professionalism. (Continued on page 2)

A very well-known anecdote about the first envelope went like this: it was familiar to all the leaders of different ranks under monism. An old leader, when he was leaving office, left his successor a testament consisting of three envelopes, instructing him to open them in order in difficult times. On the first he had written: “Shift all the blame onto your successor.” The second envelope contained: “Make new commitments.” The third envelope said: “Prepare new envelopes for your successor.”