The “Nano Case” was created on the basis of criteria known since antiquity for eliminating opponents. It was created to liquidate him politically and bring the party he leads to its knees. The polemical method and the speed of carrying out his arrest that were used contained a show of force, intended to convey a message of superiority over him and over the left-wing forces in Albania. This method was based on the supposed understanding of the Albanian's psychology, that he “endures dictatorships.” Apparently, the directors have not understood at all the psychology of the Albanian, neither that of the roughly fifty years they write about, nor that of today. Enduring violence or dictatorship can in no way be part of the Albanian's nature. Had this been the case with the Albanian, he would have been assimilated; there would be no Albanian state today. Even when weak, poor, and alone, the Albanian is inclined toward justice, truth, and goodness. His survival is explained by these inclinations. The method of swift struggle used to politically liquidate Fatos Nano, and the vulgar, wholly uncivilized noise—the “modern” show of force—during court hearings, or the method of persecuting him by shaving his head and circulating photographs of him from prison, have been completely discredited in their aims. The pronounced tendency to leave him in silence, to make the matter a forgotten one, as well as the stale diversion directed at members of the Socialist Party to get rid of Nano, has also been fully exposed. Attempts to disinform international public opinion also failed. The reaction of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the resolution of the European Parliament, etc., were a heavy blow to Fatos Nano's persecutors. The attempt to remove him from the country's political life also failed completely. The “Nano Case” became, continuously, the crest of a sharp and highly significant issue in Albania's political life. Its importance is such that without resolving it, a normal political situation cannot be created—one that would pave the way for easing tensions, starting a dialogue between the government and the opposition, and establishing new political balances in the country. Perhaps the creators of the “Nano Case” have understood this; perhaps they have not; perhaps they do not want to, or do not like to, acknowledge that the “Nano Case” has acquired this significance. The most sensible course is to assess it correctly, even though the path they have taken has led them to a critical and difficult moment. They themselves took this path and must also bear responsibility for it. They must accept their complete failure. The court hearings held against Fatos Nano were a highly revealing moment in their failure, following the massive public opinion expressed in the petition signed by more than 700,000 people. The court hearings were living proof of Fatos Nano's innocence. Fatos Nano has prevailed over his political opponents. The point is that those who undertook this action against him must accept it too, rather than remain in a vicious circle or cling to a policy of force, or to the power of the state. By now, not only members and supporters of the Socialist Party—who have not forgotten and will never forget Fatos Nano, and who have never accepted and will never accept this political persecution of him—but also ordinary people, whether or not they belong to political parties, fully understand Nano's political persecution, his victory, and the failure of his opponents. They understand clearly that without resolving the “Nano Case” justly, political life in Albania cannot be normalized; the deadlock blocking democratic developments and processes in Albania cannot be broken; and the way cannot be opened to expanding the horizons of freedom and democracy. So what is preventing a proper reconsideration? There are many reasons, understandable if one bears in mind the high level of hostility that has come to characterize social relations in Albania, with revenge, violence, and the method of dividing people into friends and enemies. Normally, it would be so simple for this matter to be resolved by the Albanian justice system, although it is still the final link that has yet to have its say. Nevertheless, the “Nano Case” must be resolved. It cannot be allowed to drag on, because it accumulates. Some people think in vain that we can get used to it. In particular, members and supporters of the Socialist Party, but also political forces, cannot become accustomed to this attitude toward Fatos Nano, or complacently think that they have washed their hands of the “Nano Case.” No. One cannot easily wash one's hands of this matter. Nor can it be left to be forgotten. It has only one course: it must be resolved. There are various ways. It must not be left to spontaneity. Fatos Nano, who has won the trial in public opinion, must be acquitted. COURT: must be acquitted. Albania privatized 53 thousand small and medium-sized enterprise assets. Why is there no mention of privatization in percentage figures? This foundation has also undertaken the repair of schools in Skrapar and Urakë, the reconstruction of the health center in Dorez and construction of one in Polis, repairs to the water supply systems of Saraz and Stranik, and other projects of this kind, planned for the coming period. Most of the projects in question have been completed or are nearing completion. ... Bari, Saranda, etc., repeating once again the testimonies of those who were called to the courtroom. The name of one witness was also met with laughter, as people recalled their nicknames as former collaborators of the State Security. In these actions, Judge Çeliku continued, the elements of a criminal offense are present. There was conduct abnormal for the functions of justice. They signed unconstitutional and illegal acts. Human rights were violated, and the defendants acted intentionally. Later, although it had been stated that this trial would not mention his gifts, the soldiers' sheets and those units? and not a small amount. They had dozens, the judge continued; they had also received gifts, gone abroad, special lines for food supplies had operated, not forgetting the daily expense of three lek. (Continued on page 3) The roads in some of the villages have begun to deteriorate, and this makes the communes responsible. Thanks to the interest shown by the management of this Foundation in Tirana, and especially to the dedication of its adviser, the Frenchman Alan Mouzet, a good friend to the farmers of Librazhd, it is envisaged that other facilities serving residents will be built in this district, including in the most remote villages.

A point of view on the President's relativist speech at the DP National Council Berisha's speech at the DP National Council, which met a few days ago, is a clear expression of our President's great affinity with the theory of relativity of the great Einstein. The entire parade of achievements by the party in power in the economic and social fields was built by the President on the basis of relative figures: “The current leadership is made up of 60 percent lecturers; according to Gallup, 72 percent support the market economy; 60 percent of the budget was covered by alms; inflation fell from 100 percent to 30 percent; the lek is stabilizing with a movement of no more than 10 percent; the budget deficit is 8 percent of GDP; private savings have grown in real terms by 118 percent; total output per capita has risen by 30 percent; the volume of construction is about 150 percent higher; exports increased by 60 percent while imports rose by only 8 percent,” etc., etc. In order to find a way to open the parade of achievements by manipulating consensus, Berisha resorts to manipulating the general concept. But is this the only way to present a country's economic situation? Of course it is. So what drives the President to speak in the language of mathematics? In this case, it can be said outright that the scientist Berisha came to the aid of the politician Berisha. This is because only by working with percentages could the President manage to inspire some kind of optimism among his audience outside the hall where he delivered his speech. Otherwise, every fact presented as an absolute figure could have exposed him. The President, for example, could not give the figure for the budget deficit, or the amount of money and total output per capita, or how many million dollars the trade deficit is, or the number of homeless people. Instead, the Presidency gives percentages, which are less expressive in any case and serve his party less well. Only once, for the same purpose—that is, to say something without laying all the facts bare—it is mentioned that, to date, in Albania “53 thousand small and medium-sized enterprise assets have been privatized.” Why is there no mention of privatization in percentage terms? ARTA NELLO

Deputy Director for Eastern Europe and the Balkans Mr. Richard Erdman and Director for Albanian Affairs Mr. Jonathan Beneton received and held a meeting at the Department of State with MP and Socialist Party KPD member Anastas Angjeli. Deputy Director for Eastern Europe and the Balkans Mr. Richard Erdman and Director for Albanian Affairs Mr. Jonathan Beneton received and held a meeting at the Department of State with Anastas Angjeli, Member of Parliament and member of the Socialist Party's KPD, Deputy Chairman of the Committee on Economy, Finance and Budget in the Albanian Parliament, on 30 June 1994 at the U.S. Department of State. At this meeting, MP Anastas Angjeli outlined the political and socio-economic situation in which Albania finds itself on the path of democratic reforms following the overthrow of the communist dictatorship. He thanked the United States for the assistance it has given and continues to give Albania in institutionalizing democracy and carrying out economic reform. He referred to mediation efforts to resolve the Kosovo issue and requested that the United States provide greater economic assistance to Albania. While acknowledging the achievements to date, MP Anastas Angjeli also emphasized the role of the other opposition political forces in this process, highlighting in particular the role of the Socialist Party as a party with a new program and political and parliamentary activity that contributes to building Albanian democratic society. Various options concerning political developments in Albania were then discussed, especially issues relating to the opposition's position on the preparation and approval of the Constitution, economic reform, and the transition to a market economy. The meeting also addressed the crisis in the Balkans, a peaceful path to resolving the Balkan conflict, and Albania's relations with its neighbors. Mr. Richard and Mr. Jonathan appreciated the realistic presentation made by Anastas Angjeli. “Our interest,” they said, “is that all political forces contribute to democratic processes in Albania. On some of the problems mentioned, we are in contact with the Albanian authorities. In this regard, he expressed interest that the case of F. Nano be conducted in accordance with human rights requirements and standards. We are interested in the development of the third level of the trial in this case. The Constitution, the Civil Code, and the Penal Code in Albania are still communist.” Thanking A. Angjeli, they assured him: “For the PS in Albania there is no turning back; it is and remains committed to a democratic Albania, a market economy, human freedoms, and private property.” Yesterday, MP A. Angjeli also met and spoke with several senators and congressmen of the U.S. Congress. Correspondent of “Zëri i popullit”

The Rural Development Foundation's office has been operating in Librazhd for more than a year. The value of this foundation's free investments in seven communes in the district comes to nearly 130 thousand dollars. The gratitude this foundation has earned in many villages in the district is connected above all with where these investments have been directed. Specifically, 21 km of roads have been reconstructed in the villages of Steblevë, Lëtem, Koshovisht, Orenjë, Dragostunjë and Skroskë, at a value of 91 thousand dollars. The foundation has also undertaken repairs to the schools in Skroskë and Urakë, one in Polis-it, and repairs to water supply systems in various areas. There is, however, a problem: Some communes have not shown due diligence in carrying out the investments—that is, in completing the projects on time and to the required standard—which is the fundamental condition for the Foundation's work to continue. Meanwhile, the Foundation has also drawn up requests for the maintenance of these facilities, reconstructed or rebuilt free of charge. Unfortunately, roads in some of the villages have already of Librazhd, it is envisaged that in this district other facilities will be built—

— The verdict differs by only 4 years from the prosecution's recommendation — COURT: The curtain fell on the final act of the trial concerning the past. Ten former senior officials were finally declared guilty, eight of whom were in the courtroom, while the defendants Myftiu and Çarçani remained in serious health condition. Delivering the verdict, Judge Çeliku stated: On 22 April 1994, the criminal case against ten former senior officials—Alia, Çarçani, Myftiu, Marko, Stefani, Isai, Çela, Mino, Ramizi and Haderi—came before the Tirana Court. After hearing their statements, the witnesses, the experts, and the prosecutor's closing argument, the trial panel finds that: the defendants held senior state positions and were vested with legislative and executive power which is, following the decision ... the embassy incident ... the approval of the State Security platform by the Political Bureau was reiterated, and it was said that this ran counter to constitutional principles; the monitoring of the postal service was mentioned, the organization of denunciation sessions by party bodies, the Qafë incident

Gramoz Raci states: “In the May 29 elections for five municipalities, the socialists actually won the majority. The free vote there was replaced by the violence and fascist terror of gangs organized by the DP, which even President Berisha himself, quite plainly, described as a bouquet with the DP.” The conference of the Socialist Party of the Pukë district, attended also by the PS secretary-general and People’s Assembly deputy Gramoz Ruçi, analyzed in detail the work carried out and the tasks ahead, focusing on the elections to be held soon. At this conference, district PS chairman Zef Poci and thousands [??] gave a concrete analysis of the work. Regarding the party’s persistent work in the district, the conference also stressed that it was possible for the Socialist Party to win decisively in Pukë in the July 26 elections. Of seven municipalities in total, the socialists won six; chairman Bashkim B[e]zi [??] in the [??] of the municipalities and towns, 11 of the 23 seats on the district council and 4 of the 7 seats on the district presidium. This PS victory in the district would narrow these [??] ratios and the balances needed to restrain the intensive acts of revenge and revanchist [??] against PS members and supporters. The July 26 result in Pukë as well (Continued on page 2)

Ilir Meta states: “In preparation for determined democratic action to defend the people’s verdict in the upcoming parliamentary elections.” In the past year alone, the PS in the Has district increased its overall membership by 10 percent, declared district PS chairman Gafur Mazreku in the report delivered at the district’s second conference, on 20.6.1994. This growth, which is continuing today, came as a result of the socialists’ successful efforts to withstand the campaign of political purges from jobs that the DP organized as soon as it came to power. (Continued on page 2)

Dr. Servet Pëllumbi states: People must [??] Our society is heading toward early elections. The socialists of Përmet also gathered for their second conference to analyze and discuss the work done and the problems they face. The district, with approximately 41,000 inhabitants, has 1,890 members of the Socialist Party, that is, one out of every 22 residents is a socialist by conviction and has the membership card. That is no small thing. Meanwhile, it is known that the socialists govern most of the municipalities and the district town. In light of this, the conference followed the work, and the issues were well prepared; problems, concerns, and suggestions were discussed. It is worth discussing what the district leader said: “When a party is preparing to become the government”—that is, not to fall into party fanaticism. In the past, Përmet was a good, developed district, with a standard of living that we held up as an example. Times have changed greatly. Përmet has changed too, but it seems to us that not everything has changed for the better, as ordinary people and many party members might have expected. Here are some figures that were reported and that, in any case, must be close to the truth. Unemployment stands at 69 percent; families receiving subsidies, that is, living on aid, make up 31 percent of its households. People still rejoice when they get in touch with associations and organizations that provide food aid. There are crimes in this place, renowned for its culture; indeed, we can say that in the space of one year more than 10 people have taken their own lives, due to psychological and economic depression. We must look reality in the eye, regardless of which party we belong to and which one is affected more or less by the truth. The district is disheartened, and increasingly so. (Continued on page 3)

On Monday, 4 July 1994, at 10 o'clock, in the “Ali Kël[m]endi” reception hall in Tirana, the Chairman of the Confederation of Trade Unions of Albania, Kastriot Muço, will hold a press conference concerning the issues arising from the Confederation representatives' meeting with the Government and current trade-union positions. Representatives of the editorial offices of national and foreign newspapers, radio and television, and ATSH are invited to attend, as well as representatives of trade unions and political parties and diplomatic representatives accredited in Tirana. The Confederation's spokesperson