EDITORIAL Through the television screen, public opinion became acquainted with Selami's and Arbnori's films in Pastr, Kukës, and concluded that the anticommunist card had once again been put into play. After telling the public about rapid economic growth, the country's 8 percent development rates and the Albanian miracle—which were eclipsed by the cholera epidemic—the great difficulties of securing a livelihood, high unemployment, the lack of significant investment, rising crime and increasing violence, the main leaders of the DP have once again returned to the bogeyman of communism. Selami in Kostë and Arbnori in Kukës, seemingly by chance and independently of one another, focused their footage on the danger of communism's revival in Albania. What has happened to the DP, which all this time has emphasized the successes and major achievements of its program and its great victories over communism? First, the present focus on the communist danger is apparently connected to the scale of the DP's election campaign. This means that the DP has no more effective tools and is hoping for whatever effectiveness may remain in the slogan of the fight against communism. Mr. Arbnori reveals this aim when he speaks of the DP's alleged negligence during the July 26 elections, which the SP won. It wants to accuse left-wing forces of seeking to restore communism in Albania. With the bogeyman of the communist threat, the DP also seeks to strengthen its electorate, which has become fragmented and scattered in every direction. But people now understand clearly that there are no communist realities in Albania, nor any political force interested in restoring communism. Left-wing political forces, with their declared alternatives, seek to improve and reform the market economy, not to restore communism. … remains an ever-present issue in the DP, which seeks to preserve its image as a right-wing force. Third, the forces supported by the Balli Kombëtar wing and certain socioeconomic interests, but based abroad, apparently remain dissatisfied with the promises made to them in its early days by the DP's leadership clique. They have demanded and continue to demand more. Indeed, they are also instigators of the expansion of violence and revenge. For many reasons, all their objectives cannot be fulfilled. The IMF's policies are also a serious obstacle for them. Nevertheless, they take nothing into account and therefore label the DP leaders neocommunists. These forces abroad, with their financial and communications capabilities, play their part in wearing away the image that the DP's leaders and its state have projected to the world. In this way, their accusations of neocommunism cannot help but concern the DP's leaders and its state, who answer the accusations in kind—that is, by staging anticommunist demonstrations and purges and issuing alarms about the danger of communism being restored. In this way, the DP leaders think they are contributing to the promotion of their image as anticommunists. At the same time, they are serving their position within the country in the new political situation that has arisen. Fourth, as was to be expected, after the collapse of totalitarian systems, the left would rise in the country and elsewhere. Election results in many countries in the East and in the West speak to the growing role and weight of the left. This is a new left. At first, extreme conservatism, absurd nihilism and a fierce struggle were applied against this left. The victories of the left in some Eastern countries showed that there is no danger of a return to totalitarian systems. Faced with this fact, conservatism faded, and acceptance of the left's victories in these countries emerged, without reservations or malicious opinions being expressed about their success. But currently, a further intensification between the left and the right in Europe can be observed. There are signs that this struggle will grow fiercer. There are signs that it will replace the Cold War between East and West. At present, a revival is evident of the dismissive, nihilistic attitude toward left-wing forces in power, even as they demonstrate optimal governing ability. But these left-wing forces do not accept dictates, protectionism, the weakening of national sovereignty, or the shifting of hardship and suffering onto poor and vulnerable people. The right in Eastern countries is going through a crisis, failure and defeat without cause. The right in these countries has been unable to take shape around the values of a Western European-style right. In these countries, the right has taken on extremist tendencies toward expanding violence and revenge. Along this path, right-wing forces still in power, as in Albania, are intensifying violence and efforts to hold onto power by any means and at any cost, because fear and panic have seized them. A sign of this panic is their return to the slogans of the beginning, to the slogan of fighting the communist threat. They think this way they can preserve their identity, strengthen their influence and electorate, and hope to wear down the opposition and left-wing forces. The Albanian electorate is attentive to the positions of political forces in Albania. It understands clearly what these political forces represent, what their aims are, and what ability they have to achieve them. The bogeyman of communism no longer frightens anyone in Albania. ... the left-wing forces want to restore communism in Albania. With the bogeyman of communism’s return, at the same time, the DP seeks to strengthen its electoral ranks, which have become badly fragmented and scattered. But people are now clear that there are no communist realities in Albania, nor is there any political force interested in restoring it. The and reform the market economy toward social dimensions. This new focus of the DP on the fight against communism is fundamentally doomed to fail, also because of the real contradiction contained in the DP’s position. On the one hand, the DP is interested in propagating that it has achieved great victories, which means communism has been uprooted; on the other hand, it is currently playing the anti-communist card, warning of the danger of its return. Secondly, the new focus on the fight against communism demonstrates the severe crisis and further factionalization of the DP. The DP has been experiencing a factional crisis for some time. Now an open rift is becoming apparent between the Ballist wing and the non-Ballist wing, which generally holds executive power. The Ballist wing is visible mainly in the field of propaganda, directing ceremonies rehabilitating all the criminals and collaborators of foreign occupiers. The conflict between them has apparently taken on new proportions. The Ballist wing accuses the other wing of being neo-communist. The DP, as a result of powerful pressure from the Ballist wing within it, but especially from forces outside the DP and outside Albania, has gone very far. It has ceremonially rehabilitated almost all the collaborators of fascism, murderers and collaborators of the occupier, such as Preng Cali, etc. The head of state ceremonially received Gjon Markaj, who proudly declared on TV that he had ordered the killing of minority girls who were fighting for the emancipation of women in Albania. The DP has swallowed the claims of those who boast that they used armed force to overthrow a legitimate state. It is clear that along this path the DP has been badly exposed. Although some collaborators of fascism and collaborationists have still not been rehabilitated, this does not mean that the rehabilitation process is over. The trumpet-blast of anti-communism...

Asked by our editor to comment on Ramiz Alia's letter to comrade Dritëro Agolli, published in the newspaper «Dita Informacion». Asked by our editor to comment on Ramiz Alia's letter to comrade Dritëro Agolli, published in the newspaper «Dita Informacion», the deputy chairman of the Socialist Party, Dr. Servet Pëllumbi, made the following statement: I will answer briefly, because I do not like arguing with the author of the very long letter addressed to the member of the SP Presidium, comrade Dritëro Agolli. Taken as a whole, it does not match the sharp conclusions of a politician who has been imprisoned—as one journalist calls him—but is simply the statement of a man who was once No. 1, but is no longer so, and whose time and many other circumstances have left him outside politics. Reading the «Letter» reminded me of the impression that R. Alia is not so much afraid of the criminal sentence imposed on him by the court—a sentence that naturally brings him no joy—as he is of the judgment of history, whose fundamental characteristic is that there is no appeal. One cannot escape such a judgment through distortions, or through books containing letters, however long and carefully written they may be, or by modernizing one's former positions after the event, as R. Alia does. Still less can one escape the judgment of history by blaming other people, or even an entire political force such as the Socialist Party, for faults that weigh on someone else's shoulders. In his letter, in which R. Alia tries to summon as a witness, «or perhaps even as a defender», the person on whom he once heaped derogatory epithets, he reveals wholly malicious intentions toward us, in the context of a critical campaign against those in power and the DP. Let me give a concrete example. Precisely now, when, as he himself acknowledges, the role and prestige of the Socialist Party have grown both inside and outside the country, R. Alia seeks to create … «principled» divisions between the SP leadership—which he «declares» to be no wiser than the DP leadership (??), imprudent, and labels irresponsibly nihilistic, as people who look only at their «little ego» and confuse renewal with discrimination, as «afraid of the DP» and the right in general, and as a political force that «plays the DP's game» (II)—and the large body of ordinary socialists, in whose name he thinks he speaks and writes. This is no small contribution to today's political struggle in favor of those who control the administration! At the same time, let us point out to R. Alia that he should not attribute to others the fear he himself has shown, as a result of which he changed his positions—even from morning to evening on the same day, which he apparently undertook to answer for; least of all should he attribute it to an entire party, which he has neither known nor tried to get to know. And further. It is as if R. Alia had come from another planet and were unfamiliar with the SP's positions on the National Liberation War, its struggle for November 29, Liberation Day, or its defense not only of the martyrs and symbols of the War, but also of everything good in the historical heritage of the last 50 years. Yet, apparently afraid of labels that have not even been used today, he pontificates like some great «dialectician» (!) when he writes to us as though we had, a priori, branded everything from the past as negative (II). It is regrettable that R. Alia has learned nothing and continues to change his stance in order to put himself in the role of «teacher to everyone». That is why he does not hesitate to offer «advice» (without anyone asking him), or to threaten us with history—precisely now, when we need to further articulate our alternative and move forward, when we have called for the consolidation of the SP's role in Albanian political life. No; we will not turn the SP into a «club of nostalgic stories». Distancing ourselves from the past, understood as a dialectical process, gives it the proper attention at the proper time, at SP conferences and congresses. Our positions on this issue are public. They are demonstrated at every step in the practice of our political struggle. We have made it clear that the history of the SP is the history of Albania, not the history of the PPSH. Nevertheless, in its program the SP synthesizes the best achievements of all left-wing and progressive movements, beginning with the early workers' movements. Neither in this respect nor in any other does the SP have an identity crisis, and it is determined to move forward. And, finally, I would like, «through the newspaper “Zëri i Popullit”, whose name we have retained without hesitation from the past, so that…» [the remainder of the sentence is unclear] … to tell Alia, with the concern with which he covered his Letter, that the SP's distance from you does not harm it at all. The recent letters convince us, as does our own knowledge, that no one harms our own knowledge, that no one harms it at all. That is all for today, because, as I said at the beginning, I do not want to argue with a «politician» who finds no consolation either when looking back or when looking ahead, because whichever way he looks, he sees nothing but walls, physical and mental.

Yesterday, the doors of schools opened once again for hundreds of thousands of pupils in our country. This marathon along the road of learning in the Albanian language has been repeated every year for more than a century. Yet its beauty and joy are the same at the beginning of every new school year. Generations nurture one another's love of knowledge, giving it new dimensions. This thirst for education and culture was not damaged even during these years of transition, when the «markets» of those responsible swept everything up. Collective madness often led to schools being burned, teaching facilities being destroyed, teaching materials being stolen, and so on. But the Albanians' education-loving spirit was not damaged. The clearest proof of this was the recent rush of tens of thousands of pupils to the entrance examinations for higher education. Even though the state no longer undertakes to provide university graduates with jobs, their broad vision of life and the role of knowledge in it drove our young people to seek an education. The joy over events such as the start of the new school year is well-founded for the whole people. But the central and local authorities also have a great responsibility to respond appropriately to the interests of the younger generation in education and culture. This requires taking the necessary measures to create normal conditions.

Serious illegal violations that weigh on workers are increasingly being observed at several enterprises in the city of Durrës. Such violations are also evident at the printing works, which for many years was distinguished as one of the city's most important enterprises. Today, the problems encountered here have caused considerable difficulties that will be hard to resolve. Half of the land area belonging to this enterprise has been privatized by its former owner, Ibrahim Bardhi, who owns 1,040 m2, while the other part is now the property of the enterprise's managers. Forty workers in the notebook production department were laid off and put on unemployment assistance before privatization. It was said that the enterprise would be put up for auction. Its value amounted to 310 million lekë, a sum the workers would find difficult to afford. The management, in cooperation...

Yesterday in Tirana, the second-instance trial began in the case of five members of the Greek minority, sentenced a few days ago for the crime of murder. Yesterday in Tirana, the second-instance trial began in the case of five members of the Greek minority, sentenced a few days ago to 25 years in prison for the crime of murdering a teenager. The Court of Appeal reviewed the ruling issued at first instance, thereby fully presenting the truth to public opinion, beyond politicians' observations, about the incident and the already strained Albanian-Greek relations. The European judges have not explained the issue in this trial. The Europeans... ...; in, who at the church in the village of Selit Xh... [??], and Lefter Jaha, who were accused and shown in television footage, unlike in the court of first instance, the trial panel also reached a decision in the proceedings against all five. Everything had been put in the name of the security services by the police. The presence in the courtroom of Mr. Rajer... [??], the German ambassador Klaus F... [??], suggests the interest of European organizations in this matter. Bezhani — an American ... [??] is signed; the three are also defended by three American lawyers who came especially for ... The entire panel of judges rejected the request ... to choose by ... regarding the decision of the court of first instance, ... to the Prosecutor’s Office, ... Bënier and Panajot Marto, who spoke after me, defended themselves and attacked the decision of the court of first instance. Kujtim Puto, Bezhani’s lawyer, said that Bezhani’s actions were lawful. They cannot be considered a criminal offense. And Bezhani cannot be penalized, all the more so because they were carried out in the capacity of head of a lawful organization of the minority ... [??]. During the Ministry of Justice, Puto said. Referring to the proceedings within the framework ... the fact that ... Bezhani ... as chairwoman of “Omonia” did not request such a thing. (Continued on page 4)

In a so-called rebuttal by the Ministry of Public Order, broadcast by TV in the 8 p.m. and 10 p.m. news bulletins on October 2, my surname was also mentioned in connection with an article published in that day's issue of the newspaper «Zëri i Popullit». The article refers to ... a source in Malcinë e Madhe, according to which large-scale arms smuggling is taking place, with weapons entering from Montenegro. Anyone can read what the article says; it does not state that police commissioner Mal Lehtë is aware of this smuggling? ... «Where the information about this trafficking came from will be clarified by the prosecution authorities. The Ministry of Public Order has no information of this kind. The fact that the law-enforcement authorities have no information... (Continued on page 4)

Shkodër: For three days in a row, at the «Migjeni» Theatre, Shkodër's artists gave their audience a variety concert of songs and comedy, which was followed with particular interest by this city's art lovers. ★ ★ ★ Fier: Reports indicate that so far 17 cases of cholera have been recorded in this district. They have appeared in the villages of Kuman, Kallm, Sukë, etc., which are located near the city of Berat. There have also been deaths in these areas, but cholera was not given as the cause when the diagnoses were determined. ★ ★ ★ Rrëshen: A clash took place between law-enforcement forces and a group from the Reç neighborhood. Shots were exchanged, and a window was also shattered in an encounter with the policemen from the highlands. The citizen Pjetër Pietri was also wounded in the clashes; rapid-intervention forces from Tirana came to assist the law-enforcement forces. It is said that explosions with dynamite occurred inside and outside this area. ★ ★ ★ Laç: A fellow villager of Bardhok Ndreu, from the village of Mal-Bardhë and resident in the USA, donated 1 million lekë in recent days toward the church of Fllatë, which has begun its activities these days ...

- A powerful volcano that erupted in the Russian Far East, on the Kamchatka Peninsula, is continuing its activity with even greater fury, sending dense clouds of smoke high into the atmosphere and causing ice and snow to break away around it. ★ ★ ★ The volcanic ash has reached a height of 20 kilometers, and this is considered a potential danger to international airline flights operating routes between North America and Asia. These aircraft usually fly at an altitude of 11 kilometers. ★ ★ ★ - 1,000 tons of crude oil spilled from a tanker that ran aground off the coast near the port of Laikos (in northern Portugal), forming a slick 20 kilometers long, are reaching the nearby beach of Le P... [??] mas... [??] today, but the currents appear likely to carry them ever farther from the shore, a port administrative official reports. ★ ★ ★ The Sekkal tanker, flying the Panamanian flag and carrying more than 32,000 tons of oil, struck a rock in the morning while heading to the port terminal to unload.