Meeting of the General Steering Committee of the Socialist Party To this end, it offers its consensus and assistance and proposes: 1. That all violations of constitutional provisions committed in connection with the referendum of 6 November be reviewed and annulled. 2. That approval of the constitution be placed on a normal legal footing, and that Parliament’s right to take part in preparing and approving the constitution be recognized. 3. If this Parliament, which has exhausted itself through the positions it took on the referendum, is unable to give the people a constitution, then the president should decree early elections.

FROM THE PRESS CONFERENCES BERISHA IS INCORRIGIBLE - He is preparing the end of his own party - Without yet analyzing the slap he received on 6 November, President Berisha appeared before journalists again yesterday to proclaim once more his pre-referendum ideas. But one of the aims of Beri[?]a’s haste is precisely this: to predetermine the referendum result as something worthless, as if nothing bad had happened to him and his party; with the naïve idea that “we lost one referendum, but we will win the second.” This was also the meaning of his categorical statement that in a second referendum “the people will vote 60 percent in favor of the constitution.” Berisha tried to minimize the defeat when he said that “40 percent was the locomotive of the center, while 60 percent was the vote of the far left and far right.” Berisha thus appears incorrigible in his authoritarian concepts of democracy. He does not want to accept defeat; therefore he seeks to repeat once again the folly of the 6 November referendum. With this logic, Berisha defends all the unconstitutional procedural violations committed for the 6 November referendum. He seeks to cover up the shame of the Constitutional Court, which did not rule on the complaints of the two parties regarding the referendum law. He seeks to evade responsibility for the millions spent on his illegal campaign. He also seeks to justify the national television station’s folly in broadcasting Berisha’s rallies. His statement that he will once again appear at rallies for the constitution shows that he understood nothing from 6 November. His talk of “respecting the verdict of the people” remains a worthless propaganda slogan. It would also be dissolved, and the constitution would once again be approved by referendum. He rules out any possibility of approving the constitution in Parliament. This shows that he will not give up his egotistical desire to seize from the people a code for his personal power. With his chieftain-like mentality, Berisha will not relinquish unlimited power. Since Parliament will not give him this authority, he wants to hurl the people into a new adventure. That Berisha does not want this to change became clear when he said Parliament could authorize the existing commission to make the necessary corrections to the draft. By “corrections,” Berisha means retouching some article on human rights or the powers of some court. He does not accept that the people voted against the president’s unlimited power. This means that, in essence, the new draft will be the very one the people rejected in the referendum; in other words, the people will be served that same 6 November soup all over again. Berisha knows that the people will again say “no” to his personal power. So where does Berisha’s optimism about winning 60 percent come from? There are two possible answers: either it is false optimism, showing that Berisha no longer has his feet on the ground; or he has decided to shed blood by hurling the people into fratricidal conflict. There is no other way for Berisha to save himself. In these circumstances, it is once again up to the people to show him his place through their vote. It is also up to genuinely democratic political forces to close ranks once again to defend democracy and protect its institutions from Berisha’s assault. But it is also up to the Democratic Party to see reality as it is. Berisha has ignored the Democratic Party twice: once with the appointed Constituent Assembly and once with the referendum of 5 November. In both cases the DP lost because of Berisha. It lost because its opinion was not sought—the opinion of the DP’s rank-and-file members, not that of its leadership clique. Will this party agree to give way once again to Berisha’s whims? If so, let the shame be its own. Berisha no longer listens to reason. He acts only on the instinct of egotistical lust for unlimited power. The people who said “no” to him once, on 6 November, will know how to defend democracy once again. But then there will be nowhere left for Berisha to hide. Thus, with his new adventure of a second referendum, he is preparing his own end. , Correspondent of “Zëri i popullit”.

From the meeting of the General Steering Committee of the Socialist Party Chronicle: AFTER VICTORY COMES RESPONSIBILITY From the Yesterday the General Steering Committee of the Socialist Party met to analyze the situation created after the referendum, focusing on the SP’s opposition regarding the current crisis and its resolution. The chairpersons and secretaries of the SP’s district organizations, the SP parliamentary group, etc., also took part. The opening remarks were delivered by the Party’s deputy chairman, Comrade Servet Pëllumbi. Then the SP’s General Secretary, Comrade Gramoz Ruçi, analyzed some of the factors that led to the opposition group’s victory in saying “no” to the draft constitution presented by the Commission and President Berisha. “As regards the part played by our Party in the referendum victory,” Comrade Gramoz said, “first, we should single out the correct conception of the political struggle against approval of the draft constitution: striking at and exposing in a timely manner the PD’s poor governance, corruption, demagoguery, subterfuge, Berisha’s unlimited personal power, the lack of economic prospects, the draft constitution’s increasingly antidemocratic character, and so on. “Second,” he said, “we struck at the hottest and most pressing issue: the danger of a return to dictatorship and monarchy, the establishment of Berisha’s dictatorship. Our opponents came together and joined ranks with the other parliamentary and non-parliamentary parties, bringing the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary opposition together in a real alignment.” As a third factor, he listed the Party’s better organization, through which its structures, from the center to the grassroots, were organized throughout the electorate and protected the free vote. Comrade Gramoz Ruçi then listed other factors that led to victory in the referendum, as well as the weakness of the government itself and the reasons it failed to achieve victory. In his speech, MP Alfred Paloka stressed that the campaign to say “no” to the draft constitution was conducted over 12 [unclear in source]. It seems at least that we should link them. We must attack the PD’s aims to [unclear] and relinquish power. They do not have that much freedom with their [unclear] and their responsibility before the people; this is not a moral responsibility, because it is a responsibility shared by everyone from every quarter; it seems we must uncover them, identify them, and denounce them before the people.” The speech was followed with interest • writes... Continuing, to say “no” to the draft constitution was conducted on 12 June. It seems, at least, that this was intended to connect them. We must challenge the PD’s aims of taking control and holding on to cards, their responsibility before the people; this responsibility is not a moral one, since it is a responsibility shared by everyone at every level; it seems we must uncover it, make it evident, and denounce it before the people.” The speech was followed with interest • writes... ...the indignant veteran, MP and member of the PS leadership Dritëro Agolli, who, after assessing the referendum result as a significant indicator of the Albanian people’s political efforts, emphasized the idea that joint efforts must be made with the other parties so that the new constitution is not put to a referendum by the PD in the name of President Berisha. This constitution, he stressed, should be put to a referendum by the new political forces, if there is an overriding need, by those forces that prevailed over the President’s adventure and his entourage. At the same time, if Sali Berisha were to hold another referendum on a different version of the constitution, he would lose again and would not get more than 7 percent, even if the version were entirely perfect, since the people are allergic to Berishian referendums. Then, Dritëro Agolli stressed, we will support the constitution. Continuing, Dritëro Agolli said that even if Berisha were to (Continued on page 2)

– Speech by the Deputy Chairman of the PSSH, Dr. Servet Pëllumbi – The referendum of 6 November 1994 will enter the history of Albanian democracy not so much, and not only, as the first of its kind, but because of its results, the new alignment of political forces, and its decisive impact on Albanian political life, present and future. The “No” in this referendum, despite the euphoria surrounding its conception and the methods used in the campaign by the PD leadership and especially President Berisha, became a clear indicator of the maturity and emancipation of the Albanian electorate, which was not deceived by television spectacles and demagoguery so naïve as to be insulting to the people. Bombastic phrases about prosperity, freedom, democracy, the spirit of the constitution, its blessing by God, a new profile, consensus that supposedly had nothing to do with parties, the national sphere, and so on, could not conceal the bitter taste of Berisha and the parliamentary majority themselves violating constitutional law, failing to keep promises, abusing power, etc. The unemployed intellectuals, those who [unclear] or earn their bread as street vendors, former political persecuted people being deceived with promises, and teachers who are poorly paid and do not have secure jobs and were therefore forced, together with their students, to fill... and say “NO” to the Berisha draft constitution. Nevertheless, it would be useful for us to analyze some of the factors that prepared and made possible the extraordinary victory of 6 November, so that we neither delay our further actions nor allow ourselves to be carried away by victory, because it is known that responsibility also follows victory. We believe that at the previous meeting of the GSC, where we discussed our strategy and tactics for the referendum and the draft constitution, we made the right decisions, and that our entire Party mobilized as never before and achieved its objectives. We took proper account of objective factors: changes in the electorate, widespread dissatisfaction, the prolonged economic crisis, the social cost of reform, and the many problems caused by the Meksi government’s inept and purely partisan policies; but we focused our attention on subjective factors. The Party’s district activists were brought together within 2–3 days; the support our position on the draft constitution received; the tactic of focusing political criticism of the draft constitution on 3–4 key points that made its defects plain—along with conducting an intensive campaign... Everyone understands what these are, and everyone knows that the SP has tried to be stronger than [unclear]. Great hardships have fallen on veterans, who still do not have their status recognized and receive minimum pensions; on young people, who are forced to take the roads of refugees; and so on. They were left with the impression that Berisha and those around him had descended from another planet, where they declared at rallies: This constitution guarantees you freedom in everything; on 6 November a miracle would happen, a Republic would be established, Albanians would touch freedom and love one another. The people rose above such deception, and the greatest tribute is due to them for delivering a powerful “NO” to the “Berisha draft constitution,” which aimed to install violence and personal rule in Albania, taking Albania even farther from Europe. The fundamental point, then, is that 6 November showed that the sovereign people trust neither President Berisha, who appointed himself “Leader of the Albanians,” nor his servile officials, nor their political television spectacles, nor their promises that they want to integrate Albania into Europe. This convincingly demonstrates that the vote of 6 November was a great victory for democracy: it was a political vote and a political victory for the sovereign people and the 16 forces that rallied alongside them. Furthermore, the essential point 16 forces that rallied alongside them. (Continued on page 2)

Idajet Beqiri, chairman of the National Unity Party, held a press conference yesterday concerning the results of the 6 November referendum. The successive political scandals of the PD, he said, the unprecedented scale of corruption that has seized the highest levels of power, and the deliberate denial and destruction of every genuine national value—all of these together dictated that the constitution be called upon for help, and it was decided to approve it through an accelerated, unconstitutional procedure. But despite the unprecedented campaign waged by the president of the republic, RTV, other PD officials, and perhaps naïve well-wishers or ill-wishers of our nation, this people, having seen the “sun of Salutë” calm and dignified in the morning, went to vote with culture, as true democrats, and said No to the Berisha constitution. Mr. Beqiri supported this with arguments such as: this referendum was illegal because the constitutional provisions had been seriously violated by the president of the republic himself; because Albania is headed by a team with the PD’s dictatorship; because Albania is mired in extreme poverty and has no prospects; because the PD is imposing [unclear in source] on national issues; and, finally, because fascist practices are being installed in Albania. “We stress,” he continued, “that the ‘Berisha phenomenon’ is the greatest evil that has stifled the Albanian nation; therefore the future of democracy in Albania, the construction of a state governed by the rule of law, and entry into... (Continued on page 3)

The image of a “plasticine” party with no backbone was made even clearer by yesterday’s press conference given by the chairman of the Republicans, Sabri Godo. On the one hand, Mr. Godo says that his “party” (half of which was in the press conference room) is in a governing coalition with the Democratic Party; on the other hand, he said that it is not in a party alliance. Thus, Mr. Godo wants his Republicans, on the one hand, to enjoy power through the posts they hold in government, and, on the other, to pose as if they were not in the opposition, in order to escape discredit. Everyone understands that these are just words. Everyone knows that his party—and Mr. Godo personally—have been Berisha’s main supporters in all the adventures he has undertaken. Everyone is clear that, had “Berisha’s customary law” won, Sabriu would have blown his horn and demanded his share of the victory. Now that the “customary law” has been rejected, Sabriu plays the part of someone who knows nothing, as if he had just arrived from the moon. As far as he is concerned, nobody lost the “NO” vote against the project. Asked directly by a Republican from Shijak what the Republicans had gained from the Referendum, Godo replied: “We saw what the Albanian people think?!...” But wasn’t it his party that had conducted in-depth sociological studies and confidently declared that only 13 percent of Albanians would vote against the Referendum? Nevertheless, there is ... Now that Sabriu has realized what the people think, why doesn’t he convey that opinion? He doesn’t like it there that

Chronicle: