Changing the name of this heroic war does not save the honor of fascism’s eager collaborators and their descendants today Those who put on the fascist’s black shirt have brought upon themselves the stain of eternal shame Yesterday the Albanian Parliament carried out another grave and ugly attack. The Democratic Party’s cardboard cutouts removed the title veteran of the Antifascist National Liberation War, replacing it with veteran of the war against Nazifascism. What a disgrace; a thousand times disgraceful. The glorious Antifascist National Liberation War of the Albanian people is one of the most glorious periods in the millennia-long history of our people; it is the medal of our national pride; it is the passport to civilization that makes us equal and dignified citizens of democratic Europe. Every attempt to cast mud upon it; every effort to truncate and diminish its greatness, founded on the blood of 28 thousand martyrs and girls; the sacrifices of 70 thousand partisans and the heroism of all our antifascist people, is doomed to fail. The descendants of the fascist thugs of fathers vainly try to retouch the portraits of those whom history has definitively shaped. The cannibals of fascism, those who stained their hands with the blood of freedom fighters. The honored veterans of the Antifascist National Liberation War; the brave commanders and commissars who led the partisan formations; all[?] the freedom fighters; communists and patriots without party affiliation; have no reason to lose heart. They might have been killed in the War, as Qemali and Vojua were killed; as Misto; Mihali; Margarita; Bulja and Persefoni; Asim Zeneli and Mustafa Matohiti were killed, because when they went to the mountains for freedom, girding their belts with ammunition and placing the red star of freedom on their foreheads, they were not bargaining over their lives; they were not bargaining over their honor and dignity, as Dosti’s lackeys did; Filip Toma; Safë; Batka and others. The history of Albania can never be written by Pjetër Arbnori and the others. Still less can they rewrite the glorious history of the Antifascist National Liberation War: not even by having some former communist cadre of the War, or one of their sons, made into their lackeys. They shamelessly lick up to the seats of power. That history was written once, in letters of blood ...its struggle, which is founded on the blood of 28 thousand and more the heroism of all our antifascist people, is proven. The descendants of the fascist-thug history has definitively shaped. The cannibals of history; those who stain their hands with the innocent blood of freedom fighters; those who put on fascism’s black shirt have also donned the mantle of eternal shame. Pjetër Arbnori and the others can never do it. made into their lackeys. They all shamelessly try to ingratiate themselves with the seats of power. That history was written once and for all in letters of blood and unparalleled heroism. It bears the name The Glorious History of the Antifascist National Liberation War of the Albanian People. tooth and nail against fascism, the Nazis, the traitors and their collaborators. Why are these people afraid of the National Liberation War? You, Mr. Pjetër, can you change it? The Republic’s Prosecutor, Fatos Dervishi, abuses his office..., the rights and freedoms of individuals are absolutely not guaranteed. The Ministry of Public Order, in its conception and actions, is an attack on the Constitution and the law. The Republic’s Prosecutor, Fatos Dervishi, and the justice system: this constitutes an unprecedented scandal. It seems the conflicts have intensified to the point that “the bosses are trying hard, even bringing into public view the scandalous testimony they have given about the justice authorities and the other branches of power.” At midday we sought confirmation from the chairman of the Court of Cassation. Our conversation with him was as follows: —Mr. Zef, this morning information came to the newspaper about an incident in the courtyard of the General Prosecutor’s Office, where your escorts and those of the Deputy Prosecutor of the Republic clashed, and you intervened to stop the fight. We wanted to confirm whether this news was true. Zef Bozi: It’s true, but let me tell it to you. Not just because I say so, but because there were witnesses. I went there because we had a working meeting with the Prosecutor General and some others, a meeting there, and my car was going to come and pick me up at the Prosecutor’s Office. Just as we were about to start the meeting, Tefik, you know what, to be more accurate it’s better—since the prosecution is dealing with it—go and ask Kujtim Luli, because he is the prosecutor handling the case; but the truth is this. —As long as people who do not deserve it are kept in police custody, and some, such as the Deputy Prosecutor, abuse their guaranteed. their guaranteed. Yesterday morning, around 9 o’clock, we received a call from a voice that refused to identify itself, reporting that “in the courtyard of the General Prosecutor’s Office, the escorts of the Deputy Prosecutor of the Republic, Fatos Dervishi, who was himself present, and the driver and escorts of the chairman of the Court of Cassation, Zef Brozi, who is in a meeting with the Prosecutor General, have drawn pistols on one another.” After that, the voice on the other end of the line fell silent. Immediately, our journalists went to the scene. In front of the General Prosecutor’s Office building, opposite the Central Ambulance Clinic, a large crowd of people and cars carrying police officers had gathered; we saw them only a few moments before reaching the scene. Inside the courtyard of the building, the incident appeared to have ended, although tensions were high. Asking people who were still arguing there, and learning about their movements and those of the escorts, we heard from two young men, who seemed to work at the prosecution or to have had a prosecutor as a colleague, that this was what had happened: “At 9:30 in the morning, Deputy Prosecutor Fatos Dervishi, accompanied by his guards, came into the courtyard of the Prosecutor’s Office and encountered the duty police officer, who had been dismissed by Zef Brozi’s deputy. The police officer did not have Zef Brozi’s mask. The police officer refused, telling him that he was with the...” Alushi and Zef came out in that direction; they too began shouting and demanded that the guards put away their weapons. The duty police officer and another person wearing a tie tried to break up the fight. At that moment Brisku arrived, along with another car full of police officers, who restored order; then they also went inside, into the interior of the Prosecutor’s Office building. Other people confirmed their account, but did not identify the personnel by name. Unconfirmed sources report that after the fight between the guards inside the Prosecutor’s Office, the chairman of the Court of Cassation, Zef Brozi, and the Deputy Prosecutor of the Republic, Fatos Dervishi, exchanged harsh words involving accusations about old and notorious judicial cases (rumored to be poli...) The incident, although seemingly an act of thuggery, is an unprecedented scandal given the stature of the people in power who were arguing—the justice officials. Mr. Zef, do you consider the incident an act of thuggery, or do you connect it with something personal directed at you? Zef Brozi: No, this is an attack on Zef Brozi’s public positions in defense of the law. And it was carried out by the Deputy Prosecutor General, Fatos Dervishi, behind whom were other officials as well. —Mr. Zef, thank you for the time you gave me. Zef Brozi: case; but the truth is this. So I say that the Ministry of Public Order today is not much different; that is, is an attack on the Constitution and the law, and in many instances flagrantly violates the laws of the state. As for the incident, since you asked, I’ll tell you. Fatos Dervishi, the Deputy Prosecutor General, and the many escorts he has with him, who legally are not entitled to have personal escorts, provoked it and was the perpetrator of the crime by ordering his escorts to shoot my escort. Of course, they were outside; we were not present. And on several occasions Fatos Dervishi used the radio to order the police to search the car of the Chairman of the Court of Cassation, to stop it and search it. —Was this directed at you personally? Zef Brozi: Yes, yes, yes. And this is not only about me, but about everyone in a similar situation. So, Zef Brozi has displeased certain people, and they are apparently trying to set up scandalous provocations against him, because Zef Brozi will not make way for anyone who opposes the law and sinks into corruption. thank you for the time you gave me.

50th Anniversary of the Liberation of Tirana Yesterday, on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the liberation of the city of Tirana from the Nazifascists and their tools, a tribute was paid and wreaths were laid at the cemetery of the nation’s martyrs. On behalf of the Steering Committee of the PS of Tirana, the chairman of the PS in this city, Musa Ulqini, together with the secretary of the PS of Tirana and chairman of the group of socialist councillors of the Tirana municipality, Enver Reçi, laid a wreath bearing the inscription: “Glory to the martyrs who fell for the liberation of Tirana.” Correspondent of “Zëri i Popullit”

From the press conference —“WE WILL CONTINUE THE DIALOGUE!”— From the press conference THE DP IN CHAOS OVER APPROVAL OF THE CONSTITUTION —“WE WILL CONTINUE THE DIALOGUE!”— Ten days after the November 6 referendum and two days after its National Council meeting, the DP appeared yesterday at a press conference concerning how the constitution would be approved. In keeping with the decision of his party’s National Council, Selami said the constitution would once again be approved by referendum. But unlike on previous occasions, he released a new balloon before the journalists when he said that we are not ignoring Parliament, which may ratify the constitution after it has been approved in a referendum. This idea had earlier been put forward by Berisha at his latest press conference, when he cited the example of several European countries where parliament had ratified the results of referendums. In any case, the DP leader did not show Berisha’s determination when he repeatedly declared, “We support dialogue with the parties and hope to reach a consensus.” Parliament now seems to be an insurmountable mountain even for the DP itself, which sees that on its own it can no longer wade into the “sea” of the referendum, because the electorate no longer belongs to it, but to the opposition parties. Selami is moving closer to the idea of Parliament, accepting that the constitution may be discussed there only in principle, but not article by article. Why not article by article, one asks? And Selami answers: we do not make up two thirds, and there is no reason to waste time in Parliament when it is known that no result will be achieved. Thus Selami indirectly admits that the DP has lost the battle over the constitution in Parliament. “Let us deal with the other important laws in Parliament,” Selami said at the press conference. This shows that the fear of Parliament being blocked during discussion of the constitution has made DP leaders fear it like the devil fears incense. It is clear that the “incense” here is early elections, which terrify the DP. But if the parties fail to reach consensus on putting the constitution to a referendum, what will the DP’s subsequent position be? Selami does not answer this question directly. He says that (Continued on page 2)

Revenge—the DP’s “reflection” after the people’s “NO” —This is what the Laç toadies have in mind— Even in Laç, the majority of the people said NO to the draft constitution. This fact has created a difficult situation for the party members and those in power. These days they have abandoned the city’s cafés (their favorite place), shutting themselves away in offices. There, instead of analyzing the concrete reasons why the people said NO to the draft constitution; identifying responsibility and correcting something in their work; they are doing quite the opposite. Reliable sources confirm facts indicating that lists have been drawn up in the DP offices, as well as by their sycophantic officials, for dismissing from their jobs the “culprits” behind the NO vote. In general, those on these lists are people who persuaded the public to vote against the draft constitution. The lists include first and foremost members and supporters of the Socialist Party, but they also include names from other opposition parties. Just a few days after the referendum, Llesh Ndoci, a specialist in the agriculture directorate attached to the District Council and a member of the district PS steering committee, was informed that he was being dismissed. He was told he was being relieved of his duties in the name of reducing the staff complement. But only two days later he was replaced by someone else. A few days ago, Pashke Marku, a university-educated economist, member of the district PS presidium and employee at the superphosphate plant, was relieved of her duties; meanwhile, specialists with secondary education are being kept on the job. In addition to these pressures, several teachers have also been pressured in recent days, particularly in Mamurras, Laç and Milot; they are trying to make them anxious about losing their jobs.

With Jean-Paul Sartre’s well-known play “The Respectful Prostitute,” staged by the Gjirokastër Theater company, the National Festival of Albanian Theater opened the night before last on the stage of the National Theater. Veterans of our theater, actors, directors, art critics, writers, filmmakers, journalists, drama students and other stage enthusiasts who filled the National Theater’s hall watched with interest the opening of the festival and the performance by the Gjirokastër company, under the direction of the young and passionate director Elij Bicj. Overcoming the emotions imposed by the responsibility of a festival such as this, and by a full house not of casual spectators but of people of art and culture who know and appreciate theater—a hall that also hosted a jury that will award moral and material prizes—the Gjirokastër actors opened the festival with dignity. They sought to convey to the spectators the always-relevant message of Sartre’s work. The direction deserves praise in this instance for its overall handling of the show and for its effort to give the performance a sound as contemporary as possible. Sartre’s play is a static and compelling work that indicts man’s selfish and racist nature in a society where democracy is absent, where human rights and freedoms are trampled underfoot by the strong, the most powerful. In such a human society, the soul of a prostitute is more noble and stands higher than the soul of a senator. Sartre’s satire tears off the mask and lays bare the whole collapse of early-twentieth-century American society. It brings to mind the work of Milert, which denounces the selfishness, individualism and corruption of a society where vice is exalted over virtue, injustice over justice, slavery over freedom. American society at the beginning of the century has many similarities to Albanian society at the end of the century. And there is this strange coincidence: just an hour before the performance began, we were spectators of an original drama broadcast by RAI 2, about the Italian coast guard and the skippers of smugglers’ boats transporting Albanian prostitutes to the shores and markets of Italy. That is why, when you watch Sartre’s play, it seems as if on stage you do not see an American prostitute but a wretched Albanian girl forced to suffer while also surrendering her dignity for... (Continued on page 2)

“By erasing the word ‘National Liberation,’ you supposedly remove it as though the Antifascist National Liberation War had not been fought. But you forget that at the Peza Conference on 16 September ’42 it was just that, that is, nonpartisan, when the pledge was made, without distinction of religion, region or ideology, to fight fascism. Nevertheless, it was political. The question then was whether to join the world antifascist coalition led by the Soviet Union, the USA and England, or the other side, whose members killed themselves after the war? Parliament may do as it wishes. But we have no right whatsoever to change the name given to that War by the 70 thousand freedom fighters. It is an honor for us to approve this status today, on the 50th anniversary of the liberation of Tirana, 12 days before the liberation of all Albania, but it is a disgrace to remove the name Antifascist National Liberation War. It is not a house that you can privatize, the way our ministers privatize two houses apiece. Nevertheless, you honored veterans and respected, generous-hearted people of this glorious war, do not lose heart over this insult done to you, 12 days before November 29, the 50th anniversary of the liberation of the homeland. History will be written as the truth is.” DRITËRO AGOLLI: “Berisha, with his tail laden with gold and sycophants, is thrashing about and still thrashing about, trying to uproot the Antifascist National Liberation War; that is why he lost and will lose further.” “The Antifascist National Liberation War is the root of the roots of democracy.” No one has the right to change the name ‘National Liberation.’ It was given that name by those who fought tooth and nail against fascism. You may change your own name and surname, as you changed yours from Toma to Arbnori, you blind man, but under no circumstances the name of the National Liberation War. You, Shemasta (Halili), who seek to overturn the decisions of the Congress of Përmet, have no right whatsoever, because that Congress laid the foundations of the new Albanian state. It barred Ahmet Zogu and the monarchy from returning to Albania. You who are pressuring me with words, when I was fighting you were eating potatoes or you did not[?]”