— An amnesty, without bringing Fatos Nano into play, would be a demagogic propaganda act aimed at domestic and international public opinion — — INTERVIEW WITH NAMIK DOKLE, DEPUTY CHAIRMAN OF THE SP AND CHAIRMAN OF ITS PARLIAMENTARY GROUP, BY EDITOR HAMDİ JUPE — — There is talk of a general amnesty that the Albanian Parliament may decide on; as chairman of the Socialist Party parliamentary group, do you have any information about this? — I do have information, because we have been in contact with deputies from different parliamentary groups, particularly those from the PSD and PAD, and they were of the opinion that a proposal should be made to the People’s Assembly to place discussion of such an amnesty decision on the agenda. — Today the newspaper «RD» reports that 25 PD deputies have also asked for this issue to be discussed soon in Parliament. How do you assess their request? — I read the newspaper «RD», and I find it somewhat strange that the request of these 25 PD deputies was announced in the newspaper by the chairwoman of the women’s organization, Ms. Hasko. Nevertheless, we should not prejudge matters. If these deputies want to perform such a humanitarian act, that would be a good thing. But I do not know what underlying motives these deputies have for making such a request. We will judge this concretely when we hear their proposals, as well as the criteria on the basis of which they are asking for this amnesty to be declared. I think that if all the deputies of the People’s Assembly consider undertaking such a humanitarian act, it would be welcomed, because it would create an atmosphere of understanding and social peace, an atmosphere for the genuine development of democracy, with neither owners nor servants of it. — In your opinion, what political and legal factors, and what reasons, create the right climate for a general amnesty? — To create this climate, I would mention the following factors. First, through the November referendum, the people expressed politically, through the Albanians, their desire for an alternative based on understanding and social peace among Albanians, where no one dictates their politics, beliefs or practices to others. In other words, the people told the political parties and politicians to sit down and reach an understanding about Albania’s problems and the building of genuine democracy. This is also a reason that makes an amnesty possible, and it would be welcomed by the people. When I speak of this act by the people, I have in mind that the amnesty criteria should also reflect the people’s wishes, whether expressed in the referendum or on other occasions. Another reason for a general amnesty is that we are approaching a very important jubilee: the fiftieth anniversary of the liberation of the homeland. Third, I would point out that we are in the process of building a democratic system, and this is the first amnesty since the overthrow of a system. As such, the amnesty should be sufficiently broad to truly embody what has been called the humanitarian dimension. This humanitarian dimension should apply to everyone and not be parcelled out according to political or party criteria, as happened under the one-party system. — From the legal standpoint, what factors make an amnesty necessary and possible? — From the legal standpoint, an amnesty is necessary because many of the sentences being served by people in prison today were handed down under an outdated Penal Code, which was also criticized by specialists from the Council of Europe. We are preparing a new Penal Code, which provides for much lighter sentences for some of the crimes than those provided for by the old Penal Code, under which many people were sentenced. In addition, trials and sentences to date have taken place in a legislative vacuum—or, more accurately, amid confusion among legal provisions—because old and new, unharmonized provisions have been in force simultaneously, and so on. — In principle, what will the PS parliamentary group’s position be on a general amnesty and, more specifically, what criteria will it propose for this amnesty? — In principle, we agree that there should be a general amnesty. As for the specific criteria for this amnesty, the PS parliamentary group (Continued on page 3)

Ilir Meta, deputy chairman of the PSSH and chairman of its Foreign Policy Commission, and board member dr. Mago Lankori met with Mr. Ola Ullsten, Ambassador of Sweden. During the meeting, they presented the PSSH’s positions and alternatives concerning political developments in Albania and exchanged views with the Swedish ambassador on the future of democratic processes in our country. Messrs. Bjorn Fegebý, First Secretary of the Swedish Embassy, and Bo Vilén, Sweden’s permanent representative to the United Nations agencies in Rome, also took part in the meeting.

— Without forgetting the small-time corrupt, let us not forget that its signatures and seals belong to those who control the buying and selling of property and national wealth, who control licenses and smuggling, sites and permits for major construction projects—in short, those who hold the great offices and responsibilities. Now that the 6 November referendum has delivered the deserved answer to Berisha’s and the PD’s draft constitution, the loud and self-righteous propaganda that preceded it has been replaced by discussions and analyses of the reasons for its defeat. Efforts in this direction aim to minimize its responsibility, even to dress up the 40-percent “locomotive” of democracy as a success. So the assessments being made, and those that may be made, are not so simple. In any case, ultimately, the thing that mattered—the constitution—was not achieved. After this, the PD and its power cannot pass over this defeat in silence. Therefore, in trying to analyze it, willingly or unwillingly, someone is sought to blame, along with a cause or causes and those responsible. Curiously, despite the tendencies at work in this analysis, and regardless of sincerity and purpose, it must be said that this analysis has al- (Continued on page 2)

— Workers thrown out onto the street — The closure of enterprises, to please people belonging to the ruling elite in the name of privatization, is now a fact. We do not know in detail what is happening in other districts, but in Elbasan corruption is so widespread that the local authorities are paying no heed to the laws. There have been cases that would outrage the officials, and we would be vindicated. Apart from the district council chairman, Ndriçim Allaj, who has often spoken with us in the presence of police officers, we have addressed Niko Gliozheni, director general of the AKP, Deputy Prime Minister Bashkim Kopliku, Mr. Blerim Çela, director general of the AKP, and Deputy Prime Minister Bashkim Kopliku. We even wrote five letters and sent five telegrams in succession to President Berisha. No one has answered us! Mr. Kopliku, who undertook to respond to us in his letter no. 3661 of 28 September, says: «If any chairman does not enforce the law, the ‘force of the law’ will be brought to bear…» After Mr. Kopliku’s letter, instead of the law, the authorities began using force against us. On 19 October, police officers used violence against us, unprotected women, striking us with fists and kicks. After the police beat us, the warehouses were shut and sealed by a police officer named Zhani Kulla. As a result of this police «operation», our comrade (Continued from page 2)

It was a joyful meeting, a meeting of victory, as the participants called it: members and supporters of the Socialist Party; chairpersons of referendum voting commissions in municipalities and villages; prominent Party activists; and municipal council chairpersons. It was organized in Peshkopi to review the victory achieved and the tasks ahead to carry it forward. Also attending the meeting were the deputy chairman of the PS leadership committee, Luan Hajdaraga; MP Alfred Paloka; and others. Analyzing the victory results, the chairman of the district Socialist Party leadership committee, Xheli Cibaku, stressed that the people of Dibër had made their position clear, setting a limit to the revanchist drive and calling for new ways to establish genuine democracy. High results, he emphasized, were achieved in the municipality of Tominat, in the town of Peshkopi, in Muhurr, Melan, and elsewhere. In particular, we salute the people of Luznia and Kastrio, who said No to the draft Constitution; the people of Maqellarë; the people of Hurdhë Recit; and others—the Socialist electorate, which grew significantly this time and promises victory in the future. The young people played a major role in Dibër’s victory. In all the meetings that were organized, and especially at the large rallies in Peshkopi, Zall-Dardhë, Maqellarë, and elsewhere, they, conscious of the Socialist alternative, called for freedom and genuine democracy; they demanded public squares where they could speak their minds, not cramped halls into which the alleged «force of law» sought to compel them through violence. Luan Hajdaraga, in his greeting on the occasion of Dibër’s victory, (Continued on page 4)

An interesting piece of news has been circulating these days in Radiotelevizioni and beyond. It is said that one of the most loyal members of the Democratic Party and personally to President Berisha—Skënderi, the very first of the Buxhapëve—will give up the post of Director General, against his social-democratic will, to the pro-DP social democrat Teodor Laço. Is this simply a rumor, or a reward for the divisive faction within the ranks of the Social Democratic Party? (Continued on page 4)

The closure of enterprises, to hand them over as gifts to the people in the rulers’ inner circle in the name of privatization, is now a fact. The closure of enterprises, to hand them over as gifts to the people in the rulers’ inner circle districts, but in Elbasan corruption is so rampant that the current rulers are no longer observing the laws. The case of the marmalade factory is one of many. Since the owner of the land gave up buying the factory, it will be sold to the collective. Following our requests and the deposit of the relevant documentation at the branch of the National Privatization Agency, on May 16 of this year, we went and paid 10 percent of the value at the bank. The bank had received instructions not to process our transaction because the factory was to be put up for a second time before the privatization board.

The chamberlain eats — a true “reflection” of the DP More than two weeks have passed since November 8, the day of the nationwide referendum on the draft constitution. As everywhere else, most people in the municipality of Fushë-Krujë answered No to the draft constitution. This fact, surely not a pleasant one for the municipality’s rulers, has led them, at the initiative of the mayor himself, Mr. Edmond Sallaku, to close the doors of the municipal offices. Why? Because among the municipality’s administrative staff are “suspicious” elements who said NO to the draft constitution, as well as other elements who have not even performed their duties in accordance with the roster and the orders they received. An order has now been issued to dismiss all the “suspects”; preparations have been made for [partly illegible]…? a source inside the municipal administration informs us. According to the source, the delay by the municipality and its commission is due to the fact that these lists have still not been signed by MP Sadedin Palla, since the chairman, Mondi, takes no action without his blessing. Threats against the people in these offices. The two-week “leave” imposed on this administration has caused many hardships for the people of Fushë Krujë, including thousands of social-assistance recipients in the municipality. Dozens of them learned unpleasant news in recent days. The heads of the office dealing with social assistance and support at the municipality, Kapo Hoxha and Xhelal Bunu, have received strict orders and instructions: everyone who took part in Socialist Party rallies and said NO to the draft constitution will receive neither assistance nor social support. Among them are the families of Selman Bilja, Lulëzim Hallëmi, Valentin Alevcidos, Myrtezë Gjoka, Arben Mata, Astrit Stojaku, Taf Memë, Halil Lami, and many others. Instead of trying to address even some of the many problems currently faced by the residents of Fushë Krujë, the municipal officials do the opposite. They respond to people’s free will with anti-democratic actions. What a wretched people, with rulers like these! BEKTASHI ZENELI

PESHKOPI From various sources we learn that lists for dismissal, violence, and repression against members and supporters of the Socialist Party who said NO to the Berishian constitution and took an active part in organizing the vote have been drawn up in the executive cabinet of the PS in Dibër. Many PS activists, who stood out during the campaign, provide full accounts of the threats made against them and still being made, of pressure on their families, and of the “telegrams” sent by the slanderous rulers through social and friendship networks. All these actions have met with an unshaken response from PS activists, who have remained calm and tolerant. In Maqellarë, at 10 a.m. on November 16, the commune chairman summoned Shefqet Rusi, a PS activist in the area, and informed him of the decision by the presidency of the district council to dismiss him from his position as head of one of the only two cultural centers still standing in Dibër, on the grounds of poor work performance. The decision was not handed to him. Xheval Dami, chairman of the PS steering council in the commune of Maqellarë, was fined an alleged 280 thousand lekë one day after a PS meeting in the area. S. Gjoni was fined on the same pretext in the same commune. In Dibër, repression is moving beyond the lists every day and taking concrete form. ABDURRAHIM ASHIKU

The non-parliamentary political parties, gathered around a round table, after a fruitful discussion about the political situation created in the country following the vote against the Draft Constitution submitted for approval in the referendum of November 6, 1994, issued this joint statement: 1. We thank the Albanian people, and especially the electorate we represent, who, by supporting our statement of October 12, 1994, used their free vote to say “No to the Draft Constitution,” thereby demonstrating a high degree of civilization, democratic culture, and admirable political awareness. 2. We request from the Albanian Parliament the lawful right for all our non-parliamentary political parties to be represented by members on the new commission for drafting the draft constitution. The government a- (Continued on page 3)