AND IN PARLIAMENT THE RELEASE OF FATOS NANO — A POLITICAL MESSAGE DEMOCRACY NEEDS — Parliament’s decision: propaganda to restore some of the PD’s lost honor CHRONICLE The long-awaited and much-publicized parliamentary session finally took place last night to consider the draft amnesty law. As many observers had expected, this would be more a propaganda exercise to restore some of the lost honor of the PD and its government. It was the first such occasion since pluralism was established in Albania, and it was hoped that humanity or justice would prevail over party sentiment. But yesterday’s session also proved that the state does not pardon its opponents: it does not make a few concessions in the hope of «gaining credibility». The session opened with Mr. Minga’s remarks, in which he called for a voice vote to consult the PD group. The session then began with Mr. Ali Spahia’s discussion, in the role of rapporteur presenting the draft law to Parliament. It is a happy occasion to speak on this matter, and he continued to praise the draft law, describing it as the highest expression of democracy. Perikli Teta, an independent MP, proposed that everyone who had committed crimes against the state should benefit from this amnesty, since amnesty means allowing the state’s opponents to go free. «Amnesty means freeing all political opponents,» Mr. Teta said, also calling for the release of the five members of the Greek minority, which would also fulfil Mr. Selami’s statement about improving relations with neighbouring countries. PD MP Mr. Makaradhi called for the release of the five members of the Greek minority, arguing that they pose no social danger and that this would be a gesture towards establishing good-neighbourly relations with Greece. Amnesties are major acts, both from a political and a legal point of view, said MP Balesa. We have given this measure the name amnesty, but it is not one. Parliament must not be convened to relieve the head of state of an embarrassment. We must not use the name amnesty to pursue policies that are more harmful. We should show consideration both for those people who have been sentenced and for people outside prison—for an entire population. Amnesty also has a humanitarian aspect, as well as a political and social one, said MP Gjinushi. He was followed by MP Majko, who called for the release of the former communist leaders, the members of the Greek minority and Fatos Nano. (Continued on page 2)

Speech by the chairman of the PS parliamentary group, Namik Dokle, on behalf of the group — Amnesty, as an act, expresses humanity. That is why many members of our group joined the initiative of the PSD parliamentary group on this issue, and at the same time had no objection to a PD MP also taking up this initiative. I would add that it was more incumbent on the PD MPs than anyone else to take this initiative, because they are the majority that controls the mechanisms of the state and have a moral obligation to soften the harshness of the state. Therefore, in principle, we agree that an amnesty should be granted. It should be granted because we will soon celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Albanian people’s victory in the National Liberation Anti-Fascist War. It should be granted because many sentences were handed down under the Penal Code of the dictatorship era, so heavily criticised by the Council of Europe, and which will soon undergo profound changes. It should be granted because many trials and sentences took place amid a legislative vacuum and political confusion, both old and new. It should be granted because, in some of the trials held, defendants were denied the rights provided for in international conventions. This initiative could have become a very important political act, also because it was being undertaken after the referendum of 6 November, in which the sovereign people forced many politicians to fall silent—politicians who until then had hardly spoken at all. But, beyond this, the sovereign people expressed to Albanian politicians their desire and will for an alternative based on understanding and social peace among Albanians, so that no one dictates their politics, convictions and, in particular, their [??] to others. This amnesty, too, would therefore have been a genuine political act if, in essence, it had expressed the wishes of the sovereign people. It would have been such an act if it had been carried out in the broad democratic spirit of a first amnesty following the overthrow of a system. Therefore, above all, it should give concrete form to an amnesty for those who have been judicially classified as opponents of the state. The way the draft amnesty has been presented by the initiating group brings to mind an irresponsible action, because it does not take account of the legal principles of amnesty, but instead makes calculations with them. Meanwhile, I consider it positive that Article 2 states: «Those convicted of criminal offences committed intentionally with fatal consequences, as well as those convicted of sexual violence and sexual relations with minors, shall not benefit from this amnesty.» On the other hand, anyone with even a minimum of humanity would find this clause discriminatory. I would certainly suggest adding to this article that robbers and kidnappers should not be amnestied either. The people do not tolerate these kinds of crimes; indeed, the problem is that many of them have not been discovered, or, even when discovered, have disappeared into the labyrinths of the [??]. Amnesty is a political act. As such, it also carries a political message. That is why the question raised in recent days by Albanian public opinion is reasonable: Will Fatos Nano be released? This question is being asked after many statements by international institutions. The most important among them is the decision of the Council of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, in which 130 of its parliamentarians have confirmed: — «I cannot understand how the actions or omissions of Mr. Nano, referred to in the decision of the Tirana Court of First Instance, prove Mr. Nano’s guilt»; the decision also expresses doubts about the logical basis of justice in the aforementioned court ruling; — It expresses serious concern about claims of bias by the Court in the handling of evidence, particularly claims that important documents were removed; that the Court examined irregular evidence; that incomplete or untranslated documents were used; and that the ruling relied on a distorted version of witness statements; — It draws attention to the fact that Albania is a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, and is therefore obliged, on that basis, to respect and guarantee the right to a fair trial (specifically Articles 14 and 6); — It seeks information about Mr. Nano’s ability to meet his colleagues and lawyers and about the prospects for his release. Everyone knows that Fatos Nano is a political opponent of today’s rulers, and it is rightly asked: What is the state doing to him? Personally, I pose the question in a more direct alternative form: What angered this state more—the demand by Fatos Nano for a change of government, or his exposure of the Arsid scandal? The time is approaching when we will learn the truth. The release of Fatos Nano was also called for by the 700,000 Albanians who signed the petition, and by dozens of prominent intellectuals in Albania and Kosovo. For us and for the majority of the people, Fatos Nano is innocent. He has already won his battle politically and morally. He is in prison, but he is also a prisoner [??]. Therefore, what I have said is in no way connected to the initiative proposed by 23 PD MPs. Even this is a great deal from them, given the level their political maturity has reached. Whatever the outcome of this amnesty, the «Nano Case» remains a separate matter, for which this Parliament has a moral obligation to itself and a political obligation to international institutions. It remains a case of the political imprisonment of the opposition leader, sentenced on political orders by a controlled judicial system. Therefore, the President of the Republic should exercise his powers to release Fatos Nano. That would be a political message democracy needs. Fatos Nano has not asked for, does not ask for, and will never ask for mercy. He and we ask only for justice. Time will grant it to us. (Continued on page 2)

— 112 new members admitted in one month — The PS’s well-deserved victory in Vlorë in the referendum campaign is gradually being followed by organised work to revitalise political activity. The party headquarters continues to be a place where members and supporters meet and exchange views. There are now many of them. Hundreds of PS members and supporters from the city and the villages come and go—intellectuals, young people and older citizens who have asked to write about the party’s new options for emerging from the constitutional crisis. They engage in constructive discussions with people and with the party leaders in the district. Meanwhile, reviews have begun of the work of party organisations in the city and villages, considering both their achievements and the shortcomings identified in their propaganda and organisational work for the referendum. At its latest meeting, the executive committee, with considerable seriousness and a sense of responsibility, reviewed the work of the district-level campaign leadership and approved the platform for changes proposed by the socialist group in the district, municipality and commune. It was assessed as very successful (Continued on page 2)

In the 6 November 1994 referendum on the draft constitution, the electorate of Lezhë voted «No» to the Berisha draft constitution by 48.2 per cent, the Lezhë district PS party conference was told. The chairman of the PS district council here intervened. Without disregarding the role and weight of this result in the nationwide victory, it should be treated as a modest loss, since compared with 26 July 1992 the electorate opposed to PD rule increased by 14 per cent. Despite the cooperation with PAD and its support for propaganda activities, in line with the political positions of PDP and PUK. (Continued on page 2)

THEY STARTED TAKING TIME OFF WORK Last week, the leadership of the PD district council in Sarandë met to analyse the results of the 6 November referendum. As was learned, the meeting took place around a table for reasons not so much related to the significance of the moment—the victory of the «No»—as to justify the debate, the exchanges and the forceful demand for accountability «for the poor work». It seems they naturally wanted to «make it clear» to people here that the PD is a party that reigns supreme. Of course, we do not know what was actually said at that tedious meeting. We do not know whether lessons were drawn from the defeat in order to change the course of organisational work, but from that meeting, in practice, we can say that this party really is untouchable. In all its structures, from the centre to the grassroots, the Democratic Party is turning the defeat of 6 November into a new campaign of revenge against those cadres and intellectuals who did not obey the or—

THEY STARTED TAKING TIME OFF WORK Last week, the leadership of the PD district council in Sarandë met to analyse the results of the 6 November referendum. As was learned, the meeting took place around a table for reasons not so much related to the significance of the moment—the victory of the «No»—as to justify the debate, the exchanges and the forceful demand for accountability «for the poor work». It seems they naturally wanted to «make it clear» to people here that the PD is a party that reigns supreme. Of course, we do not know what was actually said at that tedious meeting. We do not know whether lessons were drawn from the defeat in order to change the course of organisational work, but from that meeting, in practice, we can say that this party really is untouchable. In all its structures, from the centre to the grassroots, the Democratic Party of President Berisha. A party of class struggle, of political revenge. PANALOT ZOTO

Unemployment in the town of Gramsh has left many families without a single member able to find a suitable job. There are 654 families in this small town who should receive social assistance from the municipality every month. But the municipality has no way to find the money unless the government provides it. And these days, people in need are constantly coming and going from the Gramsh municipal offices. They are waiting because the government has still not provided the funds ...

The government has not sent them the corresponding funds. Since September, the government has sent no social assistance. Those in need are waiting through October; November is nearly over as well, but there is no hope from the government. How much longer must these poor citizens wait? Where has the government sent the social assistance funds for the town of Gramsh? Were they spent during the referendum campaign, or...? Correspondent, «Zëri i popullit»

Since 22 March 1992, Mr Berisha has issued four decrees making changes to the government. During this period, half of the Meksi cabinet has been changed. 6 November completely withdrew the vote of confidence from the PD government. So what will President Berisha’s fifth decree bring? Nothing. Meksi should accept Anagnosti’s challenge and resign. The situation has worsened in the PD camp, the government and the leadership, and the state of affairs has led to changes in the Meksi cabinet. The consequences of the failure now seem to have made it clearer that the PD and Berisha himself will dismiss and remove people from the government. The Minister of Sports, Aranit Duka, was dismissed today, and Dhimitër Aranito? was dismissed on 23.11.1994 ... Meksi will be dismissed; those who have left include the latter, and, as the insiders believe, he has sent the President a list of government changes. The President has the authority to issue decrees for further changes. But it seems there is little to it, and it seems that this would be the PD’s fifth signature for changes to the government. It seems that the «blood» of the past three years of government has not moved the PD and its cabinet as it should; this is the shortcoming that most of their propaganda colleagues have tried to ... (Continued on page 2)

...has undergone considerable changes in its composition since the vote of confidence was withdrawn. By decree of the President in April 1993, just one year into the government’s term, four new ministers joined the cabinet: Agron Musaraj; Petrit Kalakula; Xhezail Teliti and Edmond Shpaho. In August of the same year, Hasan Halili took over as Minister of Agriculture and Food, while Petrit Kalakula left the government. Less than three months later, before the end of 1993, two more ministers were dismissed under the pretext of «reorganising» several departments and left the government: the ministers of «Economy» and Finance, and of Industry and Foreign Trade—Genc Rusi and Artur Hoxha—were replaced by two others, Pirro Dishnica and Selim Belortaja. These were the seven ministerial changes of 1993. In the period that followed, the term of the Minister of Health would also come to an end in the government. (Continued on page 2)

KORÇË. For more than three weeks, the strike by employees of the sewing department of the «Gordon - SA» company has continued. The strike was caused by the Greek company’s management decision to reduce wages by 20 per cent and abolish various compensation payments. DURRËS. For several days, some satellite equipment and other materials worth around 70 thousand dollars have been stolen from villas Nos. 27, 5 and 6 in the former leaders’ block, on Durrës beach. SHKODËR. The payment of economic assistance by the Shkodër city municipality began yesterday, after a delay of 10 days. The reported reason for the delay was an unexpected shortage of money at the bank. Families in District No. 1 who received the money yesterday complained that this month each family had been given less money than last month, while prices keep rising.