27/11/1994
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Zëri i Popullit

27 November 1994

NOVEMBER 28 AND 29

LANDMARK DAYS IN THE HISTORY OF ALBANIA November 28 and 29 are two great dates in the history of Albania, two of its high points, forming an inseparable, meaningful and significant pair. are two great dates in the history of Albania, two of its high points, forming an inseparable, meaningful and significant pair. Here, two eras come together as one, sharing a common denominator: heroism and the relentless struggle for freedom and independence, which form the foundation of true democracy. Albanians, wherever they may be, honor with gratitude and profound respect all the freedom fighters and their leaders throughout the centuries; they honor the wise leader of Vlora and Albania’s great patriot Ismail Qemali, who raised the flag of Albania’s independence on November 28, 1912; they honor the partisans, women and men, the Communists and true anti-fascist patriots who brought about November 29, 1944, the day of great liberation. The history of our country has many events and commemorative dates that make up the great mosaic of our national pride, but among them November 28 and 29 are landmark days before which we bow in respect. They are epoch-making dates of which future generations, too, will be proud. The 82nd anniversary of the proclamation of Albania’s independence was achieved through unceasing wars against the neighboring chauvinist occupiers, who, with the support of Europe’s chancelleries, sought to partition and then plunder Albanian lands. The great Assembly of Vlora, where the flag of independence was raised, showed the world that Albanians are capable of taking the destiny of their homeland into their own hands, even in the most difficult days and the most complex circumstances. The 50th anniversary of the liberation of the homeland, November 29, 1944, marked the successful culmination of «the most glorious, most organized and most magnificent epic in the many-century history of our people». Finding itself at the most terrifying crossroads into which fascism had led the world on the eve of the Second World War, the Albanian people, led by their finest sons and daughters, chose armed resistance and an uncompromising struggle to win their dreamed-of freedom and stolen independence. Not only that, but the Albanian people were among the first peoples of Europe to begin an organized struggle against fascism, thereby demonstrating that they are a progressive and civilized people. This is an honor for the history of our people, but it is also the undeniable merit of those progressive forces that organized and wisely and farsightedly led this struggle. It was the Albanian Communists and true patriots, led by the Communist Party of Albania, who first took up the banner of the struggle for freedom and general social liberation. At the end of the Second World War, the victors and the defeated were distin- [text continues outside the photograph] The Albanian people stood among the victors thanks to their blood and sacrifices, thereby giving November 29 a special radiance that can never be dimmed by the offspring of the fascist lickspittles and bootlickers, whose cause was covered in historical shame. Anti-fascist Albania celebrates its holidays in grand style, even though those in power—the spokespeople for the descendants of fascist collaborators—have officially removed November 29 from the calendar of holidays, destroyed monuments and the graves of martyrs, removed the designation “National Liberation Anti-Fascist War,” and dug the black-shirted criminals out of their graves and decorated them. Therefore, November 29 is a call to action. Let us never forget the great popular anti-fascist struggle, let us not “forget the blood that was shed and the sons and daughters who fell for freedom, let us not forget the countless sacrifices and unparalleled heroism. The freedom and independence of the homeland form the foundations of true democracy. By defending November 28 and 29, we do nothing other than defend democracy, won from demagogues and deceivers; we defend the freedom and independence of the homeland, without which a secure future cannot be built. for the referendum on the Second World War, the Second World War, with—

Let us manage our victories well

The meeting of the Socialist Party of the Korçë district, given the large number of members and supporters attending, resembled more a lawful rally, where— Socialist Party meeting in Korçë Let us manage our victories well - The 700,000 signatures collected last year for the release of FATOS NANO were joined by another 500,000 on November 6 - The meeting of the Socialist Party of the Korçë district, given the large number of members and supporters attending, resembled more a lawful rally, where the joy of the November 6 victory was given free rein. The «A. Z. Çajupi» theatre hall had been requested for this event, but «civilian police» have undertaken to obstruct the Socialist alternative as much as possible. Servants’ work. The Socialist alternative in Korçë is fully empowered. The November 6 referendum, said Niko Pandeli, chairman of the district’s Socialist Party, in his speech, once again convincingly confirmed Korçë’s defining characteristic: a cultured city with democratic traditions. This was achieved through well-planned and well-organized work. The victory achieved, it was said at the meeting, is extremely important. But its true value will be felt when it is managed well in the service of our objective: new elections. Comrade Namik Dokle also spoke at the meeting. The extraordinary act carried out by our people on November 6, he said in his speech, is of immeasurable importance; its effects will be felt for a long time in Albanian political life. In this respect, he gave the… (Continued on page 2)

The party’s qualitative organization—a growing phenomenon

It is highly significant that in the Shkodër district more than 40,000 voters said NO to the draft constitution... Meeting of Shkodër Socialists The party’s qualitative organization—a growing phenomenon - During the past year, 400 people joined the Socialist Party in Shkodër - It is highly significant that in the Shkodër district more than 40,000 voters said NO to the draft constitution of the par- [text continues outside the photograph] city, according to some surveys conducted, the number of those who were left unregistered reaches almost 10,000 people.

The crisis of governance—the crisis of the current Democratic Party government

The invitations to the celebrations marking the 50th anniversary of the liberation of the homeland have now been sent out; the event will make the gongs ring at the Palace of Brigades; they have been distributed. Invitations have also been sent to all members of the Meksi Government. But it is not known whether they will attend this ceremony... The invitations to the celebrations marking the 50th anniversary of the liberation of the homeland have now been sent out; the event will make the gongs ring at the Palace of Brigades. All members of the Meksi Government have also received invitations. But it is not known whether they will attend this ceremony, which is dedicated not only to a central figure; for some, it resembles a funeral ceremony. It is understandable that the toasts raised at the Palace of Brigades will not speak of government resignations or a minister’s escape; on the contrary, they will recount success after success, because, as the people say, you don’t talk about the rope in the house of a hanged man. But today’s majority, the ceremonial suits and the entire spectacle of the government’s celebrations of this notable event cannot conceal the crisis of the current Democratic Party government. In the end, the ceremony will last a few hours and be conducted and presented; then those whose name is democratic will gather again, face to face in offices, to carry through the project of changes following the failure of the November 6 referendum. But changes in the government are only a retouch; because replacing seven ministers, or the changes in local government bodies that the leaders of the Democratic Party are promising, only touch the wound and offer no chance of overcoming the serious impasse that has gripped the party in power. Prime Minister Meksi, three days ago, acknowledged in RD fictitious privatization, corruption and nepotism as among the fundamental causes of the failure of the draft constitution in the referendum. A bitter admission, but a true one. But a prime minister who claims he will remain in power regardless of how many ministers come and go from their chairs is expected to do far more than that. He is expected to answer these questions: Who are the corrupt people, why are they corrupt; what have they done to the state, what have they done to democracy, and what measures will be taken against them? Only in this way could a prime minister be credible. He cannot do such a thing because, as is now acknowledged even in RD, the organ of the party in power, corruption is not a phenomenon involving one, five or ten ministers; that is, it is not an isolated fact, but has affected every level of government. This admission means that the Democratic Party has gravely betrayed the trust the people placed in it on March 22. Instead of establishing an honest government, one with a truly democratic face, whose foundation would be solving the people’s problems, it created a pyramid of officials picked up from the street, without any social credibility, who at every step had only one aim—to line their own pockets. This is the basis of the… Nor can the corrective spirit that PD leaders speak of today go beyond moving aside a few figures who have already been discredited, whether for corruption, incompetence or the extraordinary cronyism that has taken over the state apparatus. Today, the expression “better a friend than an estate” has taken root in our offices. There will be no genuine reform in the PD as long as guilt and the guilty are not acknowledged. The Meksi government began its life with scandals and will end it with scandals as well. It is interesting that, in the purges it has carried out so far, it has not sacrificed many people; indeed, it has kept them in reserve, perhaps also out of fear that the dismissed ministers know a great deal and might speak. The young people who have been slated to be left out of the Meksi cabinet could also be put “in a cosy corner” to shut them up. But the “Arsidi Scandal,” with Hoti, Xhyheri, Sali and Tartari as its protagonists, brought before the Court in recent days as a stain of shame, shows that the more time passes, the larger the wounds of corruption gripping today’s officials by the throat appear. And the “Arsidi” scandal is not the only one… There are dozens of them. It seems to have been decreed, to the misfortune of Albanian democracy, that on the 50th anniversary of the liberation of the homeland, Albania should find itself facing a crisis of to close the problem of the November 6 defeat “without getting wet”; calmly and gently; with the thought this attempt of hers failed, when “consensus” on the constitution had not been achieved except in the open drafting by opposition until more favorable times. It is true that today the PD has leaks in its roof in many places and does not know where to put the bucket first. The referendum’s “No” was primarily a “No” to its bad governance. Consequently, the government had to be changed. The elbowing match over changing the “horses” pulling the government carriage also required its own time. Thus, the PD’s silence on the constitution issue can be justified to some extent. But there is also the possibility that (Continued on page 2)

Observation from Durrës

HEALTHCARE AS FAR AWAY FROM THE PEOPLE AS POSSIBLE A decision bearing the signature of the head of the Durrës health department, S. Doraci, was needed to move the medical service’s emergency offices, previously located in the city’s Central Polyclinic, to its farthest outskirts, replacing them with the health section’s offices. A decision bearing the signature of the head of the Durrës health department, S. Doraci, was needed to move the medical service’s emergency offices—which had previously been located in the city’s Central Polyclinic—to its farthest outskirts, replacing them with the health section’s offices. Perhaps this abrupt decision by the head of health, who has been entrusted with an extremely important and humane duty, has the dream of their privatization on the horizon (!). More than ever, officials today need to think about it. Evidence of the same… has become clearer; the shameful end. With only a blunt order, the emergency service was moved away from the people’s pressing needs, even though the section’s relocation could easily have been resolved by finding an office in other premises belonging to the District Council or the Municipality, instead of occupying the ambulance facilities. Citizens have to travel several kilometers to reach the new location, while illnesses cannot wait through delays. They complain in vain here and there about this decision. The urgent need of those in power is to secure more comfortable conditions for their loyal “staff,” not the health of ordinary citizens. MIRELA NDINI

400 people joined the Socialist Party in Shkodër over the past year

The fact that more than 40,000 voters in the district of Shkodër said NO to the draft constitution put to a referendum on November 6 is highly significant; plainly stated, this was rejection, for various reasons and motives, of the state’s official position, emphasized Sadedin Shankaj, chairman of the district’s Socialist Party steering committee, in the analytical report on the referendum results. They congratulated the electorate and expressed gratitude for the sound guidance it had given, enabling them to represent it with dignity. The lists contained a lower number of registered voters than on July 26, 1992. The number of voters who did not vote on November 6 was 18,000. In the city, meanwhile, according to several surveys conducted, the number of people who were left off the voter register reaches nearly 10,000. Of the city’s 84 polling stations, the result at 34 was higher than the district average. In the countryside, by contrast, the NO vote prevailed in three communes. All of this allows us to state with confidence that our electorate is much stronger than before, without denying the presence of other political forces. Looking at the work carried out, it was further emphasized that the Party’s ongoing organization throughout the district played the leading role. This enabled us to— (Continued on page 2)

Enthusiastic meeting of Kurbin socialists

Members and supporters of the Socialist Party, its activists from throughout the district of Kurbin, gathered on Friday for an enthusiastic meeting, accompanied by a rally, to celebrate together the victory in the referendum as well as the 50th anniversary of the liberation of the Homeland. The warm cocktail gathering was also attended by PPSH Deputy Chairman Luan Hajdaraga and MP Alrrel Paloka. The meeting was opened by Mark Pepkola, chairman of the group of Socialist councillors of the municipality of the town of Laç. Shpëtim Çani, chairman of the district Socialist Party steering committee, thanked Kurbin’s Socialist electorate, which went to the ballot boxes on November 6 with clear determination and firm resolve, saying “NO to the draft constitution.” He gave special praise to the electorate of Lushkë in the town of Laç, where the victory was also greater. In the last three elections, the residents of this town (Continued on page 2)

THE CONSTITUTION ON THE AGENDA

The huge propaganda uproar and the expected changes in the government following the referendum result— The huge propaganda uproar and the expected changes in the government following the referendum result seem to have shifted public attention away from the main issue—the constitution, which is still under discussion… A temporary silence on this issue is appropriate for the constitution, as it seeks to protect it from every major political-party and parliamentary objective. This has now been established as a fact by the referendum; it was put… —“major ways” for the political parties, Parliament and the Presidency to put the constitutional issue on the right track and resolve it. The opposition party launched the initiative for a round table of the parties; the President of the Republic put a second referendum on the table, a more incomprehensible and unprecedented one. Meanwhile, the Speaker of the People’s Assembly brought to light the dispersal into the air of “Albanian” consensus. The party in power was interested in closing the issue of its November 6 defeat “without getting wet,” quietly and gently, on the assumption that “this is what always happens with referendums.” But when this effort failed, when “consensus” on the constitution had been achieved only through the more open defiance of Mr Pjetër Arbnori, the PD entered into silence with the opposition until more favourable times. It is true that the PD is leaking from the roof in many places today and does not know where to put the basin to catch the drips—

—“major ways” for the political parties, Parliament and the Presidency to put the constitutional issue on the right track and resolve it.

BY DEFENDING NOVEMBER 28 AND 29, WE DEFEND THE FREEDOM AND INDEPENDENCE OF THE HOMELAND, THE TWO PILLARS ON WHICH TRUE DEMOCRACY RESTS

The crisis of governance—a crisis of

Observation from Durrës