A government on crutches The Meksi government, despite the changes and renewals it is trying to make, is a fallen government. Who brought it down? It brought itself down: was it brought down by the self-government that the party in power designed and adopted during these years of its existence? More specifically, it was brought down by incompetence and corruption in the process of implementing economic reform. We know the promises the DP made to the people in order to get their votes: it promised to make them owners; to employ them through investments and foreign capital that would flow into Albania in a flood, etc., etc. But what happened? In the name of reform; in the name of privatization, the Albanian economy was paralyzed: it was divided up; it was destroyed. Who has become an owner so far: (apart from) trade outlets and kiosks? Have the persecuted—or even ordinary people, former workers—become owners of the property created through effort and sacrifice over 50 years? Few, or very few, feel today that they are legitimate owners, able to support their activity and free initiative. Let us consider the mechanism of securities in this process. The government talks a great deal about this mechanism; especially about compensating former political prisoners through ownership. The figures and facts speak more of noise and deception in this field than of real gains. Issuing securities only after the small enterprises had almost all been sold further widened the gap between the acceptability of the value of the securities and the value of the properties: devaluing them by a considerable percentage, up to 40–50 percent, and preventing their holders from becoming owners. Therefore, the number of those who have received property in the last two or three months is a wholly negligible percentage. And if this is happening to the persecuted; if the latter feel themselves persecuted even by (Continued on page 2) LOCAL GOVERNMENT UNDER THE POLICE CAP The most unexpected development from yesterday’s parliamentary meeting was the decision, in the context of restructuring the government, to separate the Ministry of Public Order from the (nonexistent) Ministry of Local Government and create a Ministry of the Interior. The immediate impression was that local government was being placed, by law, completely under the authority of the police. The experiences of the early years, unfortunately not good ones, and even the name of this department, Ministry of the Interior, also bring back unpleasant memories. What compelled the authors of the government restructuring plan to make this merger? At the parliamentary meeting, in response to concerns raised by several MPs, it was said that this was being done following a study by Prime Minister Meksi. We know that Meksi has conducted studies before—moral ones, perhaps, before or after Byzantium—but we do not know how he can now also play games with local government, leaving it in the hands of the police. The tragedy of local government, which has been left an orphan under the Meksi government, began even before 26 November 1992. At that time, there was lengthy discussion about which levels local government should have: commune, municipality, district or prefecture. It was decided that the “district council” would be the third level. Thus, prefectures were excluded. After the elections of 26 July this year, the Socialists returned to the local government bodies. The “democratic” government found two ways to sabotage local government. First, through sub-legal acts, it transferred the powers of this government to the center; and second, by creating prefectures and appointing prefects who were in fact parallel bodies to those elected by the people. This was neither a productive foreign experience nor one beneficial to the proper functioning of local government: it was a hybrid growing in the climate of confusion that has engulfed the government… (Continued on page 6) In talks about the situation in the Balkans and relations between our two countries, complete willingness was expressed to continue mutual contacts. Press and Information Office of the PSSH [Fragment] was paralyzed; it was broken up, sold without criteria and destroyed. Who has become an owner so far (except [unclear] the shops and kiosks)? Did the persecuted or ordinary people become owners: the former workers, the brothers and sisters of those who created that property through effort and sacrifices over 50 years? Few—almost none? Few of them feel that they are [owners] because opportunities have not been created, while others are becoming owners. That is why last two or three months amounts to a completely negligible confusion. latter, even one person at a time (among the persecuted), also [fragment]

Meeting between PASOK Secretary-General Aqis Xohaxopullos and PSSH Secretary-General Gramoz Ruçi At the invitation of PASOK, a PSSH delegation headed by Gramoz Ruçi, Secretary-General of the PSSH, is in Greece these days on a working visit. The delegation also includes MP Anastas An-gjeli, a member of the PSSH General Steering Committee. The delegation was received and held a meeting at PASOK headquarters with PASOK Secretary-General Aqis Xohaxopullos. Also present at the meeting was the Secretary-General of the Prime Minister’s Office, Vasilis Cılkas. At the meeting, after reviewing the progress of relations and cooperation between the two parties, views were exchanged on the development of the political situation in the two countries. The discussion also addressed the situation in the Balkans, the role of left-wing forces in ensuring stability there, and especially the willingness of both sides to overcome the crisis in Albanian-Greek relations. On this occasion, the PSSH delegation welcomed the Greek side’s initiative for dialogue following the unblocking of E.U. aid to Albania. PASOK Secretary-General Aqis Xohaxopullos gladly accepted the PSSH delegation’s invitation to visit Albania soon.

At a separate meeting, the Foreign Minister of the Hellenic Republic, Karolos Papulias, received the PSSH delegation headed by Gramoz Ruçi. Views and opinions were exchanged at the meeting on the political situation in the Balkans and beyond, and particularly on efforts to overcome the crisis in Albanian-Greek relations. Gramoz Ruçi conveyed, on behalf of the PS, greetings to the Greek Government for overcoming the crisis, especially for lifting its veto on E.U. aid to Albania. Minister Papulias once again expressed the Greek Government’s willingness to engage in dialogue and unblock frozen relations, reaffirming its desire for good relations between the two countries and for the progress of democratic processes in Albania. He also reiterated the bridge-building role of the minority and emigrants between the two countries. A special place at the meeting was also given to support for relations between the two countries, especially following the TROIKA meeting (the foreign ministers of Greece, Germany and France), which is to take place this month, as well as the role of the European Community in resolving the “Nano Issue,” as a necessity for advancing democracy in Albania.

The PSSH delegation was received and met with the chairman of “Si-naspizmoit,” Nikos Konstandopullos, and the Secretary for International Relations, Panos Trigasis. At the meeting, the exchange of experience between the two parties was valued, and countries were discussed. Full willingness to continue mutual contacts was expressed. Press and Information Office of the PSSH

The victim is Hentik Islami, 28, held in the cells of the Vlorë Commissariat for 17 months VLORË Another victim of police torture, this time in the city of Vlorë: Henrik Islami, 28, who had been in the cells of the police commissariat for 17 months and was subjected to an unprecedented process of violence up to the 23rd of last month, the consequence of which was his death. The medical report—the death report held by the family—confirms that Islami died as a result of the violence inflicted on him. “Bruising of the body and limbs,” it states, and identifies the instrument that caused the death: severe blows, specifically fatal crushing blows. The number of people who have died as a result of police torture inside police facilities is thus increasing. About a year ago, another death caused by violence inflicted by police officers—24-year-old David Leka—had provoked a serious incident. The protest over the 24-year-old’s death was at its center. The reaction was the same this time in Vlorë, when around 45 members of the victim’s family headed for the commissariat building, where they were met with the barrels of automatic rifles rather than the body of the victim, who was ending his life in hospital. Meanwhile, in a protest, 200 families of Mr. Islami’s clan demanded that the perpetrators of the gruesome killing be identified, but they have still received no answer. “More than 200 families of the clan, all the residents of the neighborhood—[?]—and hundreds of friends and citizens of Vlorë who took part in the burial ceremony are outraged and revolted by such a death,” says the protest lodged by the victim’s father, Pajtim Islami, and followed by [?] signatures.

TIRANË According to a notice that television[?] [and] the agencies responsible for ensuring heating fuel for the citizens of Tirana issued a few days ago, power cuts were discussed at a meeting. A fine solution! And the children? What are they supposed to do? Light wood-burning stoves! Will they find [fuel?] when a water ration costs up to 13 thousand lekë (around [?]), compared with 5 thousand at the end of August? The government knows that, starting on 1 September, bills began to be charged at 8 lekë (new) per kilowatt-hour of electricity. In addition, in some neighborhoods of Tirana (Continued on page 6)

THE ALBANIAN TANKHETOPOLI: Bank accounts for Hoti, Xhyheri, Tartari, Saliu Who will be the “star of the scandal”? Has Ruli been investigated, the Democratic Party accused? As Albania’s air becomes cleaner—a consequence of the death of Albanian industry—the smog covering the lives of Albanians in every corner of its political and economic sphere grows thicker and denser. Everything is becoming impenetrable now, and everyone can see it clearly: These people? These people will skin you alive for money! Even when someone, like a good environmentalist, tries to clear away the smog, he is still powerless, because he has no power behind him; he understands the reality: only a powerful wind can disperse the dust, and this clearing—which would mean oxygen for Albanian politics and the economy—is only possible if there is enough to sweep away and if one’s feet are not firmly planted in the ground of power. That is why the exposure provokes a reaction: Albanian politics, which is inextricably bound up with “black money,” is immune to smog. The biggest financial scandal to have occurred, involving the confusion of senior Albanian Finance officials over around 1.6 million dollars, has, after two years of prolonged investigations, once again ended up being set aside, its trail leading to the hands of the key-holder in Tirana. The file, which prominently bears the names of Ilir Hoti, former governor of the State Bank; Wilson Ahmeti, former prime minister; Auron Salihu, former director of the Commercial Bank; Agim Tartari, former deputy director of the Commercial Bank; and Ardian Xhyheri, former director of the Commercial Bank, has been eagerly awaited because of the effect the missing 1.6 million dollars could have on official Tirana. Yet since Thursday, nobody has dared to take responsibility for the judicial investigation at the Tirana court. In any case, the facts from the investigative file that have become public in the Albanian media are as scandalous as they are suspicious. The most sensational fact is naturally linked to the accusation of embezzlement: of the 1.6–2.8 million dollars, 1.2 [?] remained in attempts by Nikola Arsidi to open four bank accounts in the names of Saliu, Tartari and Xhyheri at “General Bank Luksemburg”: 40 thousand dollars were withdrawn from these accounts for Tartari and Saliu; 16 thousand dollars were transferred to the Commercial Bank in Tirana for Xhyheri. Meanwhile, the fifth account for Hoti, opened by Arsidi at “General Bank Luksemburg,” was also closed by Hoti without any financial transaction being carried out. As for him, Tirana prosecutors say he received more than 65 thousand dollars in Luxembourg and Tirana, an accusation supported by Mr. Arsidi’s statement to them a few months ago in Paris. Thus, the prosecutors…

For the citizens of Bulqiza, the city is forgotten PS activist in Bulqizë Bulq’za said “NO” to the Berisha project [unclear], said “NO” to the [unclear] course that has turned the miners’ city into a city of destitution and poverty, has closed off the livelihood prospects of more than 15 thousand residents of the city and thousands of others in the villages from Fushë - Bulqizë to Shupenzë, Zogje, Maqellarë, etc.; The Socialist Party gathering, attended by members of the PS district steering committee, heads of voting commissions and observers, and heads of communes where the socialists had won, paused to make an extensive analysis of the victory achieved, congratulated the winners in communes, [unclear] and neighborhoods, and set tasks for the future. The gathering was also attended by PS Steering Committee deputy chairman comrade Luan Hajdaraga, MP Alfred Paloka, etc. The gathering was opened by Muharrem Kola, chairman of the PS steering committee, while the analysis of the achievements was presented by Sami Cara, deputy chairman of the district PS steering committee. Speakers Sakip Doda, Arben Dardha, Mustafa Tolla, Sulejman Alia, Agim Vargu, Fatmir Salia, Ferit Duka, etc., shared the experience gained during the referendum, the extensive work carried out by PS organizations and its activists, and the contribution of the young Eurosocialists, who gave new impetus to the work that led to the victory achieved in the city and the countryside; they criticized the [d?]ifficulties and shortcomings observed in villages and specific areas. Selim Daci, chairman of the commission of

Sir Reginald Hibbert, former liaison officer for the British Missions in Albania during the National Liberation War and author of the book on this war, “The Linked History,” met with the leaders of the National Committee of Veterans of the National Liberation War. At this cordial meeting, he once again expressed his great respect for the heroic struggle of the Albanian people against the Nazi-Fascist occupiers and evoked the heroism of the partisans and the sacrifices of this war. He emphasized the importance of striving to reflect the historical truth on the basis of authentic documents, and said that in the future, on the basis of the many other documents held in Albania, this picture of the truth should be broadened further. For their part, members of the Presidium War, comrades Dilaver Poçi, Myqerem Fuga, etc., expressed their high regard for his book and thanked him once again for his warm words about our people and the veterans of the National Liberation War. Considering [unclear], they expressed their determination to carry out what had been said, to move beyond [unclear] and achieve more, and to establish ties between Albanian and British veterans of the war against the Nazi-Fascist aggressors. Correspondent of “Zëri i popullit”