Nothing was achieved at the third round table of the political parties represented in parliament, convened to discuss the draft constitution. Although Albania remained outside Europe for the winter season as well, yesterday the DP, represented by Ali Spahia, again did not agree and gave no consensus on what was proposed by the PSD, represented by S. Gjinushi and P. Milo; the PAD, represented by A. Imami and P. Teta; the PS, represented by N. Dokle and F. Abdi; the PBDNJ, represented by V. Melo; and the PR, represented by S. Godo and F. Medi[u?], displaying the full effect of intolerance and failure to respond to the verdict of 6 November. It seems that everything has been going backwards since Mr. Sali Berisha came to lead the Albanian leadership with the “new old men”—Spahia, Arbnori, Dosti, Meksi, etc.—who are, to say the least, not guided by a political understanding of situations. The post-referendum situation in particular—where this leadership declared itself defeated because of its unconstitutional influence in imitating a draft put forward by the DP—is bringing to light that the DP, exhausted and detached from Albanian political reality, cannot acknowledge the negotiating table or alternatives. Ali Spahia, deputy chairman of the DP, could not, or did not know how to, formulate the alternative his party offers for Albania’s constitutional struggle, beyond the words: “The project is primary for us; we will decide on the method of approval later.” Meanwhile, the parties that won on 6 November, which this time also include the Republican Party, are of one mind: a new commission, a new draft in parliament, a referendum. For more than three hours they held to this position, and in the end nothing was achieved. Ali Spahia’s proposal for consensus on establishing a new commission to draw up a new draft constitution, with the proportions of 22 March, could not withstand, in terms of argument, Dokle, Imami, Gjinushi, Mediu and Melo’s proposal to determine in advance the procedure to be followed for approving the draft. The question dividing what is constitutional from what is unconstitutional remained hanging over Ali Spahia’s head, unanswered: Does the DP want the constitution to be reviewed in parliament? While Spahia says, “The DP is interested in a good draft,” Dokle says, “I’ll prepare the bride for you, sir, but I won’t let you marry her off in the street.” As the leader of the A. Spahia [text unclear] Imami, calling [the parties] those who the street.” Meanwhile, A. Spahia’s leader, with [unclear] experience, calls what Spahia describes as a proposal and says: “You did this once before and lost; that is precisely why we no longer trust you. What we are offering is procedural guarantees and legal certainty.” Mr. Perikli Teta says, “We can no longer follow unconstitutional procedures. On 6 November the people expressed their will, and that will has still not been legally sanctioned.” Meanwhile, the leader of the Social Democrats, Mr. Gjinushi, provoked by Spahia, who repeatedly says, “You are afraid of 22 March, gentlemen,” replies: “I cannot understand who is afraid of 22 March when the DP has about 40 percent on the drafting commission and agrees that everything should go through parliament; in Parliament, where it has more than 51 percent, it does not want a two-thirds majority. The commission has no right to appeal to the people; parliament has that right and is obliged to exercise it.” Gjinushi says that Spahia again finds an easy opportunity to jeopardize the talks by saying who again [unclear] Mr. Imami’s [remarks] about Mr. Berisha. We make this fact public because Spahia demanded fairness from us, and, furthermore, because we disagree and consider it unacceptable for Mr. Spahia to erect a monument to Mr. Berisha while he is still alive. After Ali Spahia re-entered the hall, having knocked loudly on the closed door, we managed to record: “Let us hold political elections; you have a choice between these formulas: commission–referendum, or commission–referendum, and let the specialists legally sanction this,” said Shkëndër Gjinushi. “Commission, parliament, referendum, if parliament decides so. We agree to the first two; for the third, let the people decide.”—Naël Dokle. “A commission that will pass everything by a two-thirds majority, review in parliament and, whatever the result, a referendum.”—Sabri Godo. “Legal certainty through this procedure: a new commission, a new draft, review in parliament by a two-thirds majority, then a referendum.”—Arben Imami. “First, let it be reviewed in parliament; afterwards, let us consider a commission with whatever procedure we want.”—Ali Spahia. Immediately after his words, someone was heard saying “good luck,” and the round table broke up. In the corridor, another proposal was circulating: a new alternative draft from the PSD, PAD, PR, PS and PBDNJ alignment. Will it ever be achieved? — The PSD, PAD, PS, PR and PBDNJ alignment proposed the following procedure: New commission – New draft in parliament – Referendum. Otherwise, an alternative draft constitution. Ali Spahia, deputy chairman of the DP, could not, it seems, formulate the alternative his party offers for making Albania a constitutional state, beyond the words: “The project is primary for us, while the parties... is it the DP that wants the constitution to be examined in parliament? While Spahia says that “I will prepare the bride for you, sir, but not marry her to a hooligan.” Meanwhile, the leader of the Alliance, Arben Imami, calling this... [unclear], in Parliament, where it has more than [unclear] percent, right to appeal to the people—Parliament has that right and is obliged to exercise it. In any case, Spahia once again finds an opportunity to leave the talks open by...

The deputy chairman of the Socialist Party, Namik Dokle, meets representatives of the organizing group Yesterday the three-day parliamentary conference organized in Cologne by the People’s Assembly of Albania and sponsored by the U.S. House of Representatives and the special group tasked with developing parliamentary institutions in Eastern Europe came to an end. Over the three days, several topics were heard at plenary sessions and in sections, and discussions and debates were held. The Albanian MPs exchanged experiences with their colleagues from the USA, Italy, Canada, Sweden, Poland, Lithuania, etc., concerning parliamentary work and activity in the process of drafting laws, parliamentary oversight, the role of committees, the role of parliaments in relation to specific political situations, etc. *** Yesterday afternoon, after the conference concluded, the deputy chairman of the Socialist Party and chairman of its parliamentary group, Namik Dokle, and the ‘futeti’ Anastas Angjeli received representatives of the organizing group at the PSSH headquarters: Lucien N. Nendzi; former congressman Francus T. Miko, a specialist in European and Russian affairs; and Julie Kim, a foreign affairs analyst. During the meeting, which took place in a cordial and constructive atmosphere, the standard of the parliamentary conference was praised; the need to expand such activities was emphasized; and views were then exchanged on various issues relating to political developments in Albania and beyond. Correspondent of “Zëri i Popullit”

THERE IS A GOVERNMENT DECISION AND A PRESIDENTIAL DECREE, BUT NOTHING HAS BEEN DONE FOR THOSE AFFECTED Five days have passed since the hunger strike began in Kukës. The health of those confined there is getting worse. The day before yesterday, one striker was admitted to hospital, while two others received emergency treatment at the district polyclinic and then returned to the strike. Nevertheless, the strikers are not giving in, even though some of them continue to have a fever, sore throats, etc. District doctors visit the strikers twice a day, examine them and provide the necessary treatment to those most in need. Their temperature is gradually falling, and there is no heating inside for the strikers. Thus, they are also enduring the winter cold. Yesterday our correspondent spoke by telephone with Haxhi Brahan, a member of the hunger-strike committee. He told our newspaper: “Last night, after listening to the information broadcast by RTV, we say that the things Mr. Hasan Halili said are what the Government told us seven months ago. Everyone knows our complaints and demands. As for Decision 306, nothing has been…” (Continued on page 6).

The people of Kukës have been on hunger strike for six days. It is over the same problem that drove them to strike several months ago, and which remains unresolved. Despite the empty promises of the Meksi government mentioned above, despite President Berisha’s slogans. Nobody wants the country destabilized or social conflicts intensified; nobody wants people to sacrifice themselves or hunger strikes to become a way of solving problems. But when the Government is incapable of dialogue, when it cannot resolve problems, a hunger strike is also justified. Because the government does not understand. It does not hear the voice of those in need; it did not listen to us during the previous strike either. Berisha sent Agron Musaraj to Kukës, accompanied by police and rapid-intervention forces, and he provoked an uprising through the violence used against an entire people. That is why the people of Kukës ask: Will Berisha send the Interior Minister to Kukës again?... The hunger strike continues... ALBAN KORABI

- Three years after the collapse of the Government of Stability - After the earthquake that struck the Meksi government, in which half the ministers soon vacated their seats as a result of the failure of the November 6 referendum, the two small parties in the governing coalition—the Republican Party and the Social Democratic Party—announced one after the other that they were leaving the coalition, which, as is known, was formed after the March 22, ’92 elections. The Democratic Party thus put its seal on the well-known fact that it has governed, and wants to govern, with a neocommunist mindset; that pluralism and the spirit of compromise are merely a façade for it, and that in the legal political struggle among parties it recognizes no path other than diktat. Thus, with the strategy that every baton three years after the turbulent failure of 1991, when the DP withdrew from the Government of Stability, it once again finds itself alone, this time in power. It enters the winter ahead gripped by a serious and unpredictable crisis of confidence. Exactly three years ago, the DP, through its former chairman, today Sali Berisha, made a spectacular decision without any warning, leading to the collapse of the Government of Stability, the first pluralist government in Albania. This government, the result of a compromise among the political forces dominating the highly turbulent Albanian scene after the proclamation of political pluralism and the free elections of March 1991, lasted only six months. Many at the time saw the Government of Stability as embodying a spirit of solidarity among the political parties, intended to keep the country from sliding further into chaos, by placing the interests of stabilizing public order and reviving the economy above the fever for power. The Government of Stability brought into political life the first elements of a spirit of dialogue and mutual understanding among parties—

- From the symposium “The Course of Economic Reform in Albania” - A more appropriate conception of the privatization process is essential. The interests of all social strata must be taken into consideration. Without the development of a comprehensive strategy, a spirit of dialogue and mutual understanding among parties—

Introduction; 1. The basic principles of the socialists; 1.1. Our fundamental values; 1.1.1. Freedom; 1.1.2. Equality; 1.1.3. Justice. Introduction The Socialist Party of Albania, founded on June 12, 1991, represents the alternative of democratic socialism in Albania. It enters Albanian political life with the challenge of pluralism and profound democratic transformations. The SPA brings together honest people, committed to national interests and inspired by the social aspirations of freedom, democracy, equality and justice, solidarity and peace. As a party of the broad strata of the population, the SPA places social progress and advancement, and fundamental human values, at the center of its program. It seeks to realize them through its policies for the avoidance of [unclear] and the radical democratic transformation of society and reforms, situating itself within the orientation of the European social-democratic left. The SPA program is based on general principles and serves as a guiding orientation for the policies and practical activities of its members. These principles derive from the heritage of progressive Albanian social and political thought, from the historical experience accumulated by humanity, particularly from European humanist and Marxist philosophy, as well as from the paths and orientations of democratic socialism in our time. 1. The basic principles of the socialists 1.1. Our fundamental values We, the socialists, seek a better social order in which the development of each person’s personality within the community is ensured, the dignity of their life and work is protected, and the way is opened for the continuous transformation of society toward democracy through socialism. We want socialist achievements in economic progress, freedom, human advancement and emancipation to take root in Albania, and oppression and exploitation through political dictatorship or economic power to be eliminated, along with contrasts in the enjoyment of life’s benefits caused by unequal opportunities, social injustices, privileges and discrimination. The fundamental values that inspire our programmatic orientation are freedom, equality, justice, solidarity and peace. [Unclear] has national and social meaning. Without national freedom there can be no social freedom either. We want the belief in the future of a society in which the free development of each person becomes a condition for the development of everyone to take root in the political consciousness of our people. Freedom is put into practice when real opportunities are created for everyone to understand correctly and master the conditions of existence, contribute to the development of political, economic and cultural life, and develop their abilities and personality without hindrance. To this end, we call for general cooperation and mutual understanding in social and political life, and for liberation from subservient and coercive dependencies. Freedom is defended by opposing every form of domination or dictatorship and by making room for alternatives and different choices; for autonomy and self-determination; for holding different opinions and positions; and for pluralism in life and culture. We support freedom of conscience and religious belief. Socialists consider it essential that the proclamation of fundamental human freedoms and rights be accompanied by the creation of material and social conditions that ensure the fulfillment of basic needs for a dignified life; to attain freedom from poverty, ignorance, fear, exploitation and every other form of subjugation. 1.1.1. Freedom We stand for a free society of free people. Because of our history, Albanian freedom has [unclear]— 1.1.2. Equality Socialists defend the principle of the equality of human beings: equality of opportunity for each person’s life and development, and sociopolitical equality. We oppose uniformity and the leveling, by means of administrative coercion, of incomes, wealth, abilities and ways of life. Equality is achieved, however, when everyone has the same social and civil opportunities to participate in the social wealth that is created and distributed; when everyone participates without discrimination in the profound economic, technical, intellectual and lifestyle transformations of contemporary society. Social inequality is produced by exploitation, discrimination, backwardness, poverty, injustice, the marginalization and isolation of individuals or social groups; 1.1.3. Justice Equality is achieved through social justice, which guarantees the dignity of free and equal people in their relations with one another. Social justice means equal proportional equality; in particular, equality between men and women. Social justice means that the law must guarantee everyone equal opportunities to develop their personality, while preventing inequality, oppression and discrimination. We, the socialists, are for (Continued on page 3)