— Because this would also be good for Albania — Because this would show the world that we know how to live together as citizens of the late 20th century The memorandum of 46 members of the Albanian Parliament addressed to President of the Republic Sali Berisha, asking the head of state to exercise his constitutional powers to release from prison the Chairman of the Socialist Party and member of the People’s Assembly, FATOS NANO, is at once a political and civic stance, with clear messages, and another valuable piece of evidence reaffirming the groundlessness of the accusations and the illegality of all the actions taken since his arrest on 30 July 1993, through his conviction at every level of the courts and his imprisonment, up to the present day. The Albanian public—and not only the Albanian public—now clearly understands why the “Nano File” was fabricated, where it was fabricated and who fabricated it. They also fully understand the failure of the plan hatched by the myopic extremists in the Democratic Party and their sponsoring lobbies to find a Teodor, too, within the Socialist Party, in order to divide and dismantle it. That is why support for Fatos Nano is so broad. People saw, listened and judged fairly—not only when they signed the petition bearing more than 700,000 signatures, and not only when they left Berisha and his entourage speechless as they trumpeted the Constitution, but throughout this entire period, which led to the great crisis of confidence in the DP and its officials. Fatos Nano and the Socialist Party, together with all honest people, regardless of political beliefs or party affiliation, are not asking for mercy. No: they are asking, and will persist in asking, for rights to prevail, for reason and the law to prevail. Fatos Nano’s innocence is the strongest weapon in this cause. For this reason, they will demand that the gates be opened for Fatos Nano, toward Europe, toward civilization, and that the gates of medieval barbarism, from which Albanians are incited against Albanians, be closed once and for all. They therefore demand that Fatos Nano be a free citizen, to show the world that Albania truly is a country of free people, without political prisoners and fanatical inquisitors; that it is not a country of people with tails, but a country of people who know how to govern themselves. But is Sali Berisha capable of exercising his powers as head of state, thereby responding positively not only to the 46 members of the Albanian Parliament from different political parties—including some who voted for his election as President—and not only of fulfilling the demand of the petition with 700,000 signatures, but also of showing respect and appreciation for the European Parliament, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the Council of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, and the many international figures who have approached him on this issue? He can. But… First he must free himself from the pressure exerted on him by the leaders of the far right in his party, and the first thing he must do is free himself from the “advisers” who arrange his meetings with Markagjoni, or those who recommend decorations and medals for Hamit Majnjanin and his gang. For they were the ones who applauded him when he ordered Fatos Nano’s arrest; they cheered him when he imprisoned innocent journalists; they supported him whenever the state resorted to violence. Sali Berisha must let Fatos Nano go free and must not be afraid of him, because Fatos Nano is not his enemy. The struggle to restore the freedom barbarically stolen from Fatos Nano is neither a struggle for power nor a battle over positions; it is a struggle to open the gates toward Europe, toward civilization, and to close once and for all against Albanians. A truly democratic Albania means respect for the lawful institutions of the rule of law and a contribution to the country’s future. If Berisha, too, is a realist who cares about all this, if he truly considers himself President of Albania and wants his country to stop remaining isolated and scorned, he should decree Fatos Nano’s innocence as soon as possible, thereby decreeing his own innocence at the same time. Let this decree also be the first major step away from the ring and toward bringing the alternatives to the table of civic debate, for the good of this people and this country. But to reach such heights, Sali Berisha must take off the suit of the fanatical party man; he must pull himself out of the mire into which the statement by the Democratic Party Parliamentary Group seeks to drag him even deeper—a statement that does not represent the whole group. The memorandum of the 46 members was sent to the President of the Republic, not to the DP parliamentary group, which rushed out its response to remind Sali Berisha that only the party is in command and that he, too, must submit to party discipline. Otherwise… Meanwhile, Sali Berisha knows perfectly well that Fatos Nano is innocent, just as he knows that honest members of the DP condemn the arrest and imprisonment of the Socialist leader. To prove it, let him call for a secret ballot and stop listening to those who, behind their efforts to keep Fatos Nano in prison, conceal their satisfaction at the crossroads where Albania finds itself and rejoice at its floundering in the mire into which they have plunged it, making its road toward civilized Europe all the more difficult on the eve of the 21st century. LUAN M. RAMA Because they were the ones who dictated this and ordered the arrest of Fatos Nano; they cheered when an innocent journalist was imprisoned; Berisha should sleep peacefully and have no fear of Fatos Nano, because Fatos Nano is not that man. The struggle to restore the freedom brutally stolen from Fatos Nano is not a struggle to imprison anyone, nor to swap places, but an honorable struggle to restore ...

The delegation of the Socialist Party of Albania returned home. It was headed by Comrade Fatmir Ku-bamaro, a member of the Presidium of the KP Steering Committee, and had taken part, at the invitation of the Socialist Party of Bulgaria, in the parliamentary elections held there.

Reflections: Observers of Central and Eastern European politics give this question a terse answer: In Bulgaria, what has recently happened in all the former communist countries happened once again. Following the left’s victories in Poland, Lithuania, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, Bulgaria on 12 December merely added another link to the chain of the left in post-communist countries. We are therefore dealing with a regularity or pattern that no country in the East can escape. That is what most specialists say. And, accepting this conclusion as true, all that remains is to point out some specific features of the “Bulgarian phenomenon” of 18 December, within the general pattern of the Eastern countries, insofar as the information available to us allows. 1. THE HOMELAND SEEKS ORDER. The victory of the Bulgarian Socialists cannot be explained without understanding the defeat of the right-wing forces in that country. Voters had a choice at the ballot box, and they weighed it carefully before casting their votes. What did the Bulgarians gain after the right’s spectacular victory in 1991? This is where 18 December begins. The Union of Democratic Forces came to power as a conglomerate of right-wing currents. The euphoria of victory lasted very little time. As was only natural, the smell of power split the diverse political currents that had sought to form the Union. The lack of governing experience, improvisation and disputes among the various political groups undermined the parliamentary majority. The government of the Democrats, led by Filip Dimitrov, found itself without parliament’s vote of confidence after two months. In theory, the Bulgarians had a Democratic parliamentary majority. In practice, this majority had failed to bring a government into being. Political stability, so necessary during the transition, gave way to chaos. Having failed at the very outset, the Union of Democratic Forces came to look, in the eyes of the disappointed Bulgarian electorate, like a young woman who could no longer have children. The Democrats now watched power from the parliamentary galleries, while—

Among the letters that arrive every day at our newspaper’s editorial office, conveying the many concerns people have, is this one from the former Malunxhi settlement in the municipality of Klos, in the district of Mati. The letter describes the plight of more than 50 families in this village, comprising approximately 300 people. In the letter, signed on behalf of these families by a representative group, it says, among other things: “From 1961 to 1990 we were members of the enterprise—now we have knocked on every door. We have gone almost every day, especially lately, to the municipality of Klos. We have met with its officials. Only the chairman of this municipality, Mr Reshep Kurti, a representative of the DP, has told us: ‘There is no reason for you to come to me. You voted for the PS. Those elections are the problem…’ More or less the same is what the DP leaders in the district have told us, its chairman Mr Avdi Llozhi. Our leaders are making fun of us, the needy. They are doing fine; for themselves, in the most disguised ways, they have warmed their pockets, while our children wait for us at home every night anxiously: will we bring them at least plain bread, or won’t we?” Reading this letter from the villagers of Mallunja in Komsi, Mati, it is impossible not to feel deep sorrow for these people in need, these families who have been reduced to the worst possible state, living in the misery of their fate: without work, without assistance, without social support, without land and, consequently, without even plain bread for their children. Meanwhile, the Democratic officials of the municipality of Komsi do not even ask about these people in need. Indeed, they go so far as to declare openly: “Go to the Socialist Party. That is who you voted for.” This is how far these gentlemen have taken the “sword” of political struggle, even wielding it against people who are struggling for their daily bread. BEKTASH ZENELI

At midday on Thursday, a delegation of the Inter-Parliamentary Union left Tirana after a working visit. It was headed by Ms Josi Meier, chairwoman of the Committee on the Human Rights of Parliamentarians. At Rinas, it was seen off by Mr Huan Hajdaraga, deputy chairman of the PS and head of the PS delegation to this Union meeting. Regarding Ms Meier’s visit, he told Zëri i Popullit: “My presence at the delegation’s reception and farewell was purely parliamentary in nature. As one of the sources of information for the Union regarding the Nano case, and having met the chairwoman of the committee four times, it was incumbent on me to meet her during her fact-finding visit to Tirana and when she departed. Naturally, I cannot speak on Ms Meier’s behalf; throughout the visit she maintained its confidential character. But I can say that positive results were achieved. “The fact that the programme was carried out as planned, and that Ms Meier, among others, also met Mr Nano in Tepelenë, his family and his close associates, shows that the picture provided by her meetings was completed with all the necessary elements. Given the procedures of this committee, and especially Ms Meier’s direct involvement in this visit as committee chairwoman, as well as the information she gathered here, we hope that in the report this committee will present in Madrid, the ‘Nano case’ will become even more urgent as an issue not only for Albania but also for the international community.” — Is there a risk that this issue will become another condition for Albania’s integration into official European institutions? — Since this is a major problem not only for us, but now also an issue that has reached the tables of international institutions, particularly that of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, I believe that the “Nano case” will determine Albania’s fate in international organizations. ... of it. Fatos Nano and the Socialist Party, along with all honest people, regardless of political convictions are asking—and will continue insistently to ask—to win their rights, to have reason and the law prevail. Fatos Nano’s innocence is the strongest weapon for this. That is why they are also demanding that the prison gates be opened to Fatos Nano, because they want Albania to ... Among others, Meier close associates, which shows that the picture of her meetings was completed with all the necessary elements. Of course, taking into account this committee’s procedures, and all the more so Mrs. Meier’s direct involvement as the committee’s chair during this visit and will become even more urgent—as international community. - condition for Albania’s integration into official European structures? - but now also one that has reached the tables of international institutions, especially Case” will determine Albania’s fate in international organizations.

— In March in Madrid, Berisha is expected to receive another condition for acceptance into the European Community — He leads a Party at the head of a staff of intellectuals! He leads… with many young people in opposition! He leads comrades to victory! He congratulates a Socialist winner, two, three… Andreas Papandreu, Gjylia Horn, Zhan Vidanov…! A fantasy?! No! Rhetoric?! No! One of them free in chains, Fatos Nano?! Yes! But they sent him to Bënçë, in Tepelenë, all the same! By whom? asks a bewildered Frenchman, a German, a Swiss, a Belgian, an American, a Brazilian, an African, a Russian, a Greek… representatives of 130 parliamentary delegations from around the world. By Sali Berisha’s regime. “The leader of the Albanians”… the last communist, supported by 30 percent of them. Sir! You don’t believe it? 270 members of the European Parliament have said and voted so! But… “We cannot understand this man’s words; we seek the prospect of freedom for the imprisoned politician!” But what does Mr Perisha say?! The Albanian president’s answer is more than words: “May God bless you! And Bënça is not far from Tepelena.” After more than 200 kilometres, one arrives at the quintessential site of political persecution: “the Bënçë high-security prison.” It has stood there since 1967—in a gorge where all you can find is the wild wind. Administrators have changed, as have the paint on the walls and the façade, but not its function. Berisha had no need to build anything. Meanwhile, Albania expects to be admitted to the European Community with this face—with Bënçë. It waits… and grows nervous, although old Europe holds up its standard of freedom to the same mirror in which official Tirana sees its own ugly face. The leader of Albanian democracy says that “Europe’s standards for Albania are high.” Meanwhile, the opposition camp accepts this assessment only if the comparison is made with the Sultanate of Brunei—the only one in its orbit that values Berisha’s “democratorship.” In any case, everything can be put right quite easily. “Bënçë” for politi- (Continued on page 2) After more than 200 kilometers, one comes upon the characteristic site of the persecution of political opponents: “the high-security prison of Bënça.” Since 1967 it has stood there—in a gorge where all you can find is a raging wind. Administrators have changed, and so has this face—with Bënça. It waits... and gets annoyed, even though old Europe holds up its freedom standards before it in ugly face. The leader of Albanian democracies made with the Sultanate of Brunei—the only one in the world fixed quite easily. “Bënça” for politi- (Continued on page 2)

A specialist speaks A few days ago, we saw Deputy Prime Minister Shehi on television making a statement of this kind… in the field of Hydrometeorology… It would be good if he…

- District veterans’ conference - The ideals of the Anti-Fascist National Liberation War are ideals of freedom and democracy. Keeping them alive is an obligation for every veteran of this war and every Albanian, regardless of how far apart their convictions may be. This 50 years. For these reasons, it is ... academy ... (Continued on page 5) (Continued on page 2)

- 10th conference of Dibër veterans - After a minute of silence in memory of all those who, in the period between the two conferences, passed away from among their comrades who had taken part in the great Anti-Fascist National Liberation War, the 10th conference of veterans of the district of Dibër began its work. In the report delivered by the chairman of the district veterans’ committee, Vasfi Xheladini, an analysis was made of the work of the organization of veterans of the Anti-Fascist National Liberation War in Dibër over the past three years. This included intensive work to protect the history of our people and the symbols of this heroic war; commemorating significant dates and the martyrs and heroes who gave their lives in the youth’s struggle; strengthening ties with the people, especially young people; and revitalizing the organization’s internal life. The report emphasized that a full record had been compiled of 76 major events of the Anti-Fascist National Liberation War and 104 bases of this war in Dibër; of the martyrs, numbering more than 400 in the district; and of the martyrs and patriots in both Dibërs, on this side and the other side of the border. It also noted the recovery of the remains of 12 patriots, whose graves have still not been restored, and so on. As the report and participants’ discussions emphasized, the veterans of Dibër are indignant at the attitude of public officials toward the symbols of the National Liberation War, most of which have been damaged and destroyed with malicious intent. They also raised their voices in protest against the district council’s silence over declaring the 27 fallen in the war National Martyrs, even though their documents are entirely in order. A. ASHKU