VICTORY IN PRIVATIZATION PEDEST In recent days, an event occurred in Gjirokastër that shocked public opinion: the privatization board of the keb? [?] mëh, in the presence of MP Sadik Bejko, who, without any official reason, took part throughout the meeting, as if they were cutting a cake and not privatizing national property, granted [?] the wife of this MP ownership of an asset belonging to the Garment Production Enterprise, valued at around 20 million new lekë. —My opinion is that Frida Bejko has taken these premises because she has every opportunity to continue production and employ other workers, judging also by the business plan—this is the opinion of the head of the district Privatization Agency, Agron Ahmeti. Among the board members who raised their hands to give this property to the MP’s wife was also the shadow of the MP in attendance, who was attending such a meeting for the first time. This is the blatant theft of the people’s property, built through their sweat over dozens of years. If we look at the facts here—for example, only at the most recent meeting this Wednesday, when 30 assets worth more than 90 million new lekë were given to private individuals—we can understand what is happening to the national economy in this privatization process being carried out before our eyes. And when? After months of talk about rampant corruption [?] that has seized every cell of the Democratic Party, and after the names of high-ranking officials, as well as customs officers, financial police officers, some local administrators, etc., have come to light. The noise is indeed great. But the consequences are more destructive than the noise. Everyone knows that corruption cannot be stopped by newspaper agitation, nor by however forceful the criticism made by the press may be. Corruption can be stopped only by the firm hand of justice, which to this day has indulged these punishable acts committed by officials of every rank. Apparently, the party in power, seeing the ground slipping from beneath its feet and believing that early elections will soon spell its end, has reached out to take control of everything it can gain illegally. To this end, such instruments are being exploited: unlawful bodies such as privatization boards; MPs themselves are also being used, with the claim that the so-called securities, different companies, and so on are involved. Arrogantly and without any scruples, officials are trampling the laws with both feet, showing that they have no limits when it comes to stealing state property. We have brought this matter up several times in our newspaper: the case of the Garment Production Enterprise in Gjirokastër, whose owner has become Democratic Party MP Sadik Bejko (if this scheme by its defenders is allowed to run its course), is another chapter in the Democratic Party’s exercise of power. Correspondent of “Zëri i popullit”

ONE YEAR AFTER THE MURDER OF GJOVALIN ÇEKINI At this time one year ago, on 14 January in the afternoon, the young Gjovalin Çekini was murdered in the city of Shkodër. The event was regarded as the culmination of the revenge of those reactionary forces determined to prevent opposition parties from operating in this city. For involvement in this crime, the leaders of AD had accused, among others, the director of counterintelligence, Ferit Taja; the Minister of Public Order, Mr. Agron Musaraj; MP Ali Spahia; the former head of the Shkodër intelligence service, Fitim Mala; as well as some of the “wonders” of local power. The whole affair surrounding this crime became publicly known through the press, including an open letter by former DP MP Shyqyri Çela, who denounced what he said were attempts by Minister of Public Order Musaraj and the former head of the district SHIK to conceal the circumstances of the crime. The Parliament appointed MPs to investigate the murder of Gjovalin Çekini and established a parliamentary committee to follow and oversee the investigation. But what is strange is that although a year has now passed, this committee has still not reported to Parliament on the progress of the investigation; it may even have forgotten the duty it was assigned. Meanwhile, throughout this period, shortcomings in the investigative file have been widely discussed, as it has been sent from Shkodër to the General Prosecutor’s Office and back again. And so the “game” continues... Correspondent of “Zëri i popullit”

Çekini’s bloodstained shirt continues to hang on the nail of Albanian politics and justice ... Shkodër, 14 January 1994. 1:00 p.m. In the city center, right at the entrance to the “Migjeni” Theatre, a bloodthirsty and treacherous [?] takes the life of the 26-year-old Gjovalin Çekini. Thus Shkodër, terrorized since 2 April, would record another brutal crime in its political calendar. The murder took place precisely as leaders of the Democratic Alliance Party were meeting with its members and supporters, one of whom was the victim, Çekini. But the killing of the young Çekini during a PAD meeting had a “bedrock” that “justified” it. The party in power, the DP, with its methods, sought to dominate the country’s entire political life. 14 January took place on the bedrock of 2 April, whose real perpetrators remain anonymous to this day. 14 January 1994 came after 18 June 1993, when eight Socialist MPs, among them PS chairman Fatos Nano, were threatened that if they entered Shkodër it would be destroyed; the newspaper [?] 14 January was not far removed from the day when President Berisha himself, speaking about the events of 18 June, said: “What do the Socialists want in Shkodër? Shkodër doesn’t want the Socialists.” Thus Berisha spoke in the language of power and the DP, declaring that “de facto” there would be no political pluralism in Albania and that the country’s entire political life would be monopolized by the Democratic Party alone. The river of blood shed unjustly on Shkodër’s streets on 14 January, marked by the language of power, “meant” that the ruling party would not “tolerate” peace. Berisha was not speaking only for the Socialist Party, but for all the other parties too; his target was those who opposed the policy and the DP, including the Democratic Alliance itself. Meanwhile, Ndodrashi. Perhaps this is the source that prompted the young men’s violent outburst and their cries of “Long live Sali Berisha.” On 14 January 1994, political mafiosi committed the final act of violence against the PAD and pluralism itself, turning it into a precedent, a dangerous one for the future. Albanian political forces called it a political crime dangerous to democracy, an “unrestrained” declaration. In its statement, the Socialist Party called the act another bullet fired at the future; Albanian political forces called it a political crime dangerous to democracy and to democracy. In its statement, the Socialist Party called the act a political crime with serious consequences for democracy. In the sense of the claim that the liquidation in Shkodër was carried out with a predetermined purpose. According to Mr. Musaraj, that was the specific purpose of the meeting of a parliamentary party: silence. Even so, the parliamentary commission set up to investigate it did not prove “effective”; the circumstances of the crime are still unresolved. Today marks a full year since this horrific crime that shook the whole country. During this year, dozens and hundreds of other crimes have also taken place, following the bloodshed of 14 January, which was the consequence of a political act. The blood of the young man: Çe- (Continued on page 4)

Shkodër The deputy chief of police’s action early yesterday morning to prevent citizens from selling from stalls, as on other days, on the sidewalk from the city center to the music school, led a group of citizens to gather at 9 o’clock and protest outside the local government administration building, shouting, “We want work.” The city municipality has made decisions on several occasions to regulate the market. A year ago it decided that the stall market should be located in an area at the northern exit of the city, in the direction of Koplik. But after a few months the traders abandoned it because it seemed unsuitable to them: it was far away and buyers did not come there. So the sellers returned to the sides of the road. Later, the municipality decided to suspend the sale of meat and dairy products in the open-market building, in order to adapt the building to the needs of the time. Meat sales began to take place at the premises of «Jashë eme», but also in these premises. (Continued on page 2)

—SARI GOGO: “Mr. Kopliku confirmed that 30 percent of the privatizations carried out were under-the-table sales in 1994.” In an interview with the chairman of the Republican Party, Sabri Godo, broadcast by the BBC on the morning of 10 January, one day after the consultation organized by the President of the Republic on privatization using securities, Mr. Godo stated, among other things: “Mr. Kopliku confirmed (at the consultation, our note) that 30 percent of the privatizations carried out were under-the-table sales in 1994, while in 1993 there was even greater looting.” This is Mr. Godo’s statement, which Mr. Kopliku has not denied to date. This means that the statement made by the deputy prime minister is accurate. This naturally raises several questions for Mr. Kopliku and others. First, what does Mr. Kopliku mean by the expression “under-the-table sale,” since in everyday language this expression means bribery or an unrecorded transaction? Second, if 30 percent of the enterprises privatized during 1994 were sold under the table, is former Deputy Prime Minister Kopliku not responsible for this, given that he was directly in charge of this economic reform issue and privatization? Or were there other forces in the government that sidelined Mr. Kopliku on the privatization issue? Third, if Mr. Kopliku is raising this issue now and not earlier, does this relate to a consultation with the President of the Republic, at which Prime Minister Meksi was absent, and with whom Mr. Kopliku had disagreements over the method of privatization? Fourth, is Mr. Kopliku’s statement a genuine assessment of privatization to date, or an expression of the clan warfare within the DP? It is appropriate that the public be given clarification regarding these questions, which arise naturally from Mr. Kopliku’s statement in general. THE OBSERVER

RD, recently unsettled by the class warfare among the party and government factions it represents, sometimes does foolish things and, no more and no less, shoots itself in the foot. Yesterday it wrote that Fatos Nano brought Arsidi to Albania. To support this, it published two notes, by F. Nano and Sh. Cani, concerning a proposal by Sh. Korbeci that Arsidi be made an adviser to the MTJ. Both of them raise these questions about Arsidi: —How are payments and obligations regulated legally? —What is this person’s status, assets, reputation? —What do these documents (authorization) actually establish, do we have such a connection, and what level of guarantee is there for his payments? Even the least-informed Albanian knows that the Nano government, after these questions were raised, issued no document for Arsidi. Ari came with recommendations from the Meksi government and its ministers and... in return, as a reward, he decorated President Berisha and one of his sons, and made a [?] before Albania. The DP proposal raised by F. Nano and Sh. Cani should be addressed to S. Berisha, who surely answered them before receiving Arsidi’s decoration. That RD often shoots itself in the foot is something we have already learned. But which DP clans are attacking one another, we will easily find out later... Perhaps when Arsidi comes again to decorate the staff appointed at RD? THE OBSERVER

TANXHEN TOPOLI IN THE TIRANA COURT Before the judges, the “star witnesses.” Nothing changes! — WHERE IS THE MONEY?! — Yesterday, as it entered its fourth day, the most sensational trial in Albania, involving the biggest scandal in Albanian finance, «Azak», Arsidi appears. This opening was awaited with particular interest, because yesterday the “star witnesses” were to appear before the court. Who were they? The highest-ranking Albanian figures in finance over the years 1991–92, as well as the politician of the moment, Genc Ruli and Gramoz Pashko, and the author of the “headless letter,” Osman Shehu. But after more than eight hours, nothing sensational or surprising happened in the proceedings, to the extent that one got the impression that those who appeared yesterday, and those who will appear today, including opposition leader Fatos Nano, are being brought into the courtroom only to repeat what has already been said about the scandal. This is difficult for the thieves, who are blinded and confused in politics. A chronicle of the hearing of the distinguished witness, one of the former deputy prime ministers, Frano—by Gjen?—addressed, where he became the “voice” and the center of the witness stand. Dismissed in July 1992 by the scandal’s proposer, Francoz? ... A media personality, the Albanian president, while the most talked-about person at the moment, “forced” to ask questions but not accuse, the most likable character of “Delta International”—the tourism minister Omon Shehu—was also questioned about the moment of the purchase? It seems that there was an arrangement with Arsidi concerning Hotel “Tirana”... and it is unbelievable. ... (Continued on page 3)

TANXHEN TOPOLI IN THE TIRANA COURT (Continued on page 3) Photograph of a group of people in a courtroom.

On the eve of the Second National Meeting of Eurosocialist Youth — Every Saturday afternoon, the Eurosocialists of the capital meet prominent figures from the arts, culture, science, politics, etc. The Eurosocialist Youth Forum in the capital, alongside consolidating itself in all 20 secondary schools, 5 higher education institutions, and every neighborhood of the City of Tirana, is organizing a variety of activities with young people. It is becoming a tradition for meetings with prominent figures from the arts, culture, science, politics, sport, etc. to be held every Saturday at 5:00 p.m. at the PS premises. These meetings are very interesting, and these personalities have also taken part; they are very interested in discussing questions concerning political thought, youth, culture, and the country. The meetings were made even more interesting by the very cultured moderation of student Alma Minga and director Alfred Trebicka, who, through their dignified presentation, attracted considerable attention; their works and interesting contributions gave the meetings a special character. This time, Kadri Roshi, the well-known actor Andon Qesari, and director Albert Minga also took part. Today, the well-known actor Shkëlqim Cani shines among the Eurosocialists. Correspondent of “Zëri i popullit”

at that moment. (Continued on page 3)