- Former Finance Minister Genc Ruli is considered by the court to be the person who can clearly explain the mechanism by which the money disappeared - Although for seven days the “black hole Arsidi” remained unilluminated, on the eighth day Judge Çeliku restored its function of sucking other prominent figures into it. At the beginning of ’93, the bankers Saliu and Tartari, then former Prime Minister Ahmeti, and later, after a sham trial in the Tirana court, the hole would swallow former governor Hoti and former banker Xhyheri. And finally, the 1.6 million dollars at the bottom of the hole, with their magnetic properties, as well as someone seeking to save the honor he received through a bogus decoration, draw into the “deep abyss” former Finance Minister Mr. Genc Ruli, former Construction Minister Mr. Emin Mysliu, former Minister of Economic Relations with Foreign Countries Mr. Ylli Çabiri, BTSH economist Liljana Nanaj, and Governor Hoti’s secretary, Arta Pisha. Judge Çeliku interrupted the trial on Sunday and returned the case to the Tirana prosecution office for further investigation, stating: “The circle of persons implicated in this case and who should be subject to criminal prosecution is broader, with particular reference to the above-mentioned persons Ruli, Çabiri, Mysliu, Nanaj, Pisha.” The decision was entirely unexpected. Perhaps just as much as the discovery of the 1.6 million dollars during this latest trial on Saturday. After the brief hearing, prosecutor Qeleshi told us that the following day proceedings would continue with the last two witnesses, while his deputy, Gjokutaj, declared: “The charge has been proven.” The other side in the trial, the lawyers, had said that they “would call other witnesses, Prime Minister Meksi and the chairman of SHKSH, Blerim Çela.” The court had even left open the earlier request for lawyer Agim Bendo to appear as a witness. But everything stopped there, because the practice of “fait accompli,” made public since March 22 of this year—this time through the above statements by which the court directs the prosecution—places three former ministers before the firing squad, awaiting the blow. Thus, the scandal was climbing higher, although there had been an attempt to minimize the commotion it caused. PRESIDENT BERISHA IS AWARDED THE “FRENCH COURTESY” PRIZE On July 6, representatives of the “French Courtesy,” Messrs. Nikolas Arsidi and Laurent Simon, presented Mr. Sali Berisha with the “French Courtesy” prize at the presidential residence; it is the organization’s highest decoration. As the representatives of the “French Courtesy” said, the prize was awarded to Mr. Sali Berisha in recognition of him as “the man of freedom in Albania,” for what he has done for democracy and for the aims of his activities, which were considered “among the noblest.” The representatives of the “French Courtesy,” describing the day the decoration was presented to the Albanian President as a special one, wished him “all the energy necessary to lead Albania along the path of modern civilization.” After noting that the “French Courtesy” prize had previously been awarded to such world figures as Sandro Pertini, the French gentlemen also mentioned four pari- (Continued on page 3) BUT WHY RULI? THE HEAD ON A SILVER PLATTER—NOW CERTAIN?! “Regarding the mandate of June 8, 1991, which bears the decision authorizing its issuance in Paris and the aforementioned date,” the court’s decision states. Former Finance Minister Genc Ruli—as also emerged from the trial—signed a mandate appointing Arsidi as an adviser to the Albanian Commercial Bank, dated June 8, 1991, and signed in Paris. During the trial it was established that Genc Ruli signed this mandate not in June but in July 1991, and not in Paris but in Tirana. Regarding this, Judge Çeliku notes in his decision that “because of the manner in which this mandate was issued, it was backdated in the same way as the mandate and other documents issued by the defendant Lir Hoti,” (Continued on page 3) The Allaj enterprise, following repeated requests from the employees, told them that the owners would be given 5,000 square meters of land in accordance with the law—including the buildings constructed on it—while the buildings on the remaining land would be bought by the enterprise’s employees. Meanwhile, another (Continued on page 2)

ILLEGAL PRIVATIZATION—MASSIVE PLUNDER DURRËS - The dairy factory has been sold; this amount was earned in just a few weeks ILLEGAL PRIVATIZATION—MASSIVE PLUNDER DURRËS Big scandals stem from high-ranking positions and great responsibilities - The dairy factory has been sold; this amount was earned in just a few weeks In most cases, the privatization of enterprises in Durrës was not subject to auction. The local power-brokers and the members of the privatization board were unable to use a clear platform for a rapid transition to a market economy. In record time, production was massively halted, dozens of enterprises were closed, or their activity was reduced to a minimum. The confectionery factory is one of the few enterprises that was put up for auction. But at the auction, after many maneuvers, the workers were sidelined and the buyer of the facility turned out to be a merchant who managed to offer 250 million old lekë for the enterprise. After some time this person withdrew from the purchase, and the privatization board decided that the facility should be sold for 35 million old lekë to A. Hoxha—it should be pointed out that this person is the uncle of former Minister Hoxha—on the grounds that there were no other purchase offers. Meanwhile, the workers had managed to offer 75 million lekë at auction to buy the facility. All this was an act in the great comedy called privatization. Thus the privatization board can overrule the auction. In many cases the auction was held with only one participant, and this was not merely the result of there being few potential buyers, but of corruption carrying the stench of those in power. Only the authorities can be held responsible for it. The privatization of ships, one of the areas where corruption is most blatant and extensive, proceeded on wholly unlawful and uneconomic grounds. The results of this privatization include the sale of 5,000-ton ships such as the “Durrësi” and the “Sazani” for half the cost of their repairs, leaving the fleet burdened with thousands of dollars in debt to the Durrës Gjdansk shipyard. Most of the ships that were sold did not retain their existing crew (on (Continued on page 2)

ELBASAN Three owners for one enterprise - Privatization boards are harassing the former owners - “The law has been trampled underfoot. They have thrown us out onto the street. The privatization board makes decisions only according to ‘its own logic’; the prefect tells us to go to the press (!). Where are we to find justice, when we have worked at this enterprise for 20 years?” These are the words addressed to “Zëri i popullit” by 12 female employees of Elbasan’s NTS, teachers, finance workers and warehouse clerks. On August 10 of last year, 20 female employees of this enterprise paid 10 percent of the value, although, according to the decision of the AKP, the landowners and the warehouses were exempt from the auction. The collective was to buy it. But things took a different course. Although the AKP decision was published in the newspaper, it turned out that the enterprise would be privatized by the notorious district board. Then a landowner sought to claim the enterprise. The former district chairman, Ndriçim Allaj, told the employees, after their repeated requests, land according to the law—including the buildings constructed on it—and that the other enterprise’s employees. (Continued on page 2) With these words, «Zëri i popullit» addresses 12 employees of the NTP in Elbasan: mercelogë, finance employees and warehouse keepers. this enterprise paid the 10 percent deposit, although, according to the AKPP decision, landowners and warehouses were exempt from the auction.

The panel of judges hearing the “Arsidi Case”—a millstone that has hung around the Democratic Party’s neck throughout this entire period since March 22, 1992—suddenly issued a decision that adds to the puzzles and muddles the truth about this scandal. Several question marks are evident after this decision: 1) The decision to suspend the trial for further investigation was made at the very moment when the accused were due to begin speaking. Is this stance intended to silence their witnesses? 2) The decision was made while the possibility of calling Prime Minister Meksi to testify in the proceedings was being discussed. Is this decision a maneuver to avoid involving the leaders of the DP or holding them responsible for this scandal? 3) The decision contains direct criticism of the Prosecution. Is the Prosecution, which has so far been on the offensive, being forced onto the defensive in the face of behind-the-scenes maneuvering by those who make the law in the Albanian justice system? 4) At the heart of the decision is the implication in this scandal of former Finance Minister and MP Ruli. The decision sounds like an attempt to pressure Parliament into stripping this MP of his immunity at all costs, something that could not be achieved in the walnut-wood scandal. 5) The decision’s reference to the involvement in the scandal of Emin Mysliu, former Minister of Construction in the Government of Stability, sounded like belated revenge for his stance in the notorious after-midnight session when the DP called for that government to be dismissed. THE OBSERVER — referring specifically to the aforementioned individuals perhaps just as unexpected as the ruling on 1.8 million dollars in Qeleshi told us that the next day proceedings would continue with two more witnesses, while his deputy, Gjokutaj, declared: «The accusation lawyers, had stated that «they would withdraw from the Prosecution». Could it be that the Prosecution, until now on the offensive, is being forced onto the defensive in the face of the behind-the-scenes maneuvering of 4) At the center of the decision is the involvement The decision sounds like an attempt to force Parliament to strip reference in this decision to the alleged involvement in the scandal of Emin Mysliu, former construction minister his stance on that famous night after midnight when the PD demanded the government’s dismissal.

Meanwhile, the government’s intervention is being sought: Yesterday morning, a large number of police officers, accompanied by vehicles, managed to block all the entrances to the Albanian-Italian joint shoe-manufacturing company “Filanto,” located in Laprakë, Tirana. Yesterday morning, a large number of police officers, accompanied by vehicles, managed to block all the entrances to the Albanian-Italian joint shoe-manufacturing company “Filanto,” located in Laprakë, Tirana, where the Albanian capital in the joint venture is represented by the former shoe factory. The arrival of the large police force was intended to confront the workers and break up their strike, which has been going on for more than five months on the factory’s premises. The workers of the Albanian-Italian company were caught in the middle, facing police officers who had blocked the entrances. The issue concerns all those involved in a strike that arose because of mismanagement and other causes. Disagreements with the company’s owners have led to production being halted for months. The workers have called for government intervention to end the strike, but the decision that was made—rather than the police, forces from the Ministry were sent there. But we will defend—this is the face of the phenomenon of “strikebreakers,” of course [continues on page 3]. The Ministry of the Interior forces, who, with an order from above, were placed opposite the Albanian workers and in defense of the owners. The striking workers say that the Italian side has not met their economic demands, which mainly concern wage increases, etc., and now intervention by the police is being sought here in their defense. of “strikebreakers,” of course [continues on page 3], say the workers, referring to about 100 of their colleagues who, disregarding the union representatives’ demands, have agreed to start work. They even say that those colleagues are being kept outside because the police will not let them into the factory; the “strikebreakers” have been selected one by one, and letters have even been sent to their homes. Is this the truth? One thing is a fact: through— [continues on page 3] (Photo: A. Dallipi).

Journalists are ordered to leave the meeting and, after they have gone, guards and two police officers are stationed in the corridor outside the meeting room. Although it was expected to be somewhat tense, the meeting of the Elbasan district council to elect a new chairman in place of the previous one—dismissed by presidential decree—proceeded entirely normally. There had been some prior tension because of the conspicuous arrival at the district council entrance of four police officers in the early morning hours, as well as the prevention of citizens from entering its offices. Also, when the meeting began, one of the two government delegates, Mr. Nerim Muja, ordered journalists representing several national newspapers, the local press and TV to leave(!). Meanwhile, the former chairman of the district council, N. Allaj, protested, saying that expelling journalists served not to inform but to misinform the public. Another councilor also protested, but the journalists were nevertheless thrown out. After they left, there was another “surprise”: two police officers were stationed outside the door of the meeting room, while several others kept watch in the corridor. This alarm, apparently created as an external— [continues on page 2]. As we learned after the meeting ended, the government delegate once again upheld the president’s decree dismissing former chairman Allaj, following a proposal by Prime Minister Meksi. It is worth noting that the delegate insisted that there would be no discussion—

NTPN of Korçë, with 7 warehouses on a 1-hectare plot, was sold for 17 million lekë (old lekë) A few months ago, when we exposed in our newspaper the abuses arising from various efforts that had been canceled. A few months ago, when we exposed in our newspaper the abuses arising from various efforts that had been canceled, the sale was presented as “proof that corruption is truly being fought.” How can we forget the 100 employees of the poultry-raising enterprise, from whose hands the owners snatched it for just 25 million old lekë? For a year and a half they have been knocking on the doors of justice and seeking meetings with high-ranking officials. Even Blerim Çela, it is said, has agreed with them. And the court of (Continued on page 3)

Letter to the Editor - The unemployed fishery workers of Shëngjin are waiting for answers. Where are the promises made by the president and government officials that «through privatization you will enjoy the fruits of your labor, your sweat: what the dictatorship denied you?» Around 100 families, former employees of the fishery enterprise in Shëngjin, write that we are very worried and, at the same time, desperate. In 1992, today’s government officials, with their much-publicized reform, put us on welfare, even though our workforce was large; they were playing with our families’ bread. But putting people on welfare, as is known, was accompanied at the time by fanfare and grand promises, from the president down to ordinary officials, that: «We will privatize the enterprises; you will own them, you will enjoy the fruits of your labor». Yes, your sweat, what the dictatorship denied you for many years, etc., etc. With these propaganda words, we craftsmen decided to safeguard the enterprise’s departments and machinery, which we had also been protecting since 1990, while enduring and witnessing the damage, the extent of which is now well known. But what happened later? The reward from the «state governed by the rule of law» was to take this machinery out of our hands and give it to a third party, who was not even the owner of the land but merely the… (Continued on page 2)