Albanian democracy, still fragile, was dealt a heavy blow right at the beginning of its construction. It was understandable that, in building democracy and democratic institutions in Albania, the historical past would leave its mark: political mindsets about the state and the person in power, the poor culture of pluralist democracy, and above all class struggle as both a mindset and a practice. But since a new step forward was being taken, a more advanced level of political emancipation was needed. In fact, from this perspective, feudal, patriarchal, tribal, chieftain-like and monist mindsets were increasingly weighing on and influencing the process of building democratic institutions in Albania. In this regard, it seems that the fact that the building of democratic institutions in Albania was unwanted by the struggle to uproot communism also had a considerable influence. The brutality of the struggle to uproot communism also appeared in the process of Albanian democracy. This brutality was undoubtedly manifested in the savage class struggle waged against the Socialist Party. The “Nano case” is an essential component of this class struggle. The campaign against Fatos Nano is a typical form of brutality and of the savage manifestation of class struggle that has seriously harmed Albanian democracy. Now, with the exception of those who carried out the class struggle against Fatos Nano, everyone in Albania—and even various institutions in Europe—regards Fatos Nano as being held prisoner because he is a political opponent of the Berisha regime. Nevertheless, the issue cannot be viewed solely through instinct: even those who present themselves as humane are not realistic, even when reality is staring them in the face; they do not give in even when they see that their opponent is superior to them and has triumphed over them. In the “Nano case,” nothing remains unexplained. In broad daylight, Fatos Nano is simply a political opponent; he is being held in prison because he opposes dictatorship and defends democratic institutions. He is innocent and victorious over his political opponent; he is superior in cultural and political terms, in his level of emancipation and in his future prospects. He is being held in prison because his opponent currently has the state and the budget in its hands. Because his political opponents have decided to impose a dictatorship. A great misfortune for them. But an even greater misfortune for Albania, for democracy in Albania. The stance being taken toward the Socialist Party chairman, Fatos Nano, and the deafening silence of senior political officials toward democratic regimes and toward those outside Albania cannot be justified by claiming that this reflects the level of democracy in Albania or the degree of political emancipation of the statesmen in power. Democracy in Albania and emancipation must move forward. This requires reason; it requires knowing whom to join, but above all knowing when to part ways. Moving forward requires separating oneself from political elements and atavisms, and also from people who cannot rid themselves of them. No one can claim either to be making democracy or to be the shepherd of de- ...the savage ... of the facts... has seriously damaged Albanian democracy. Now, with the exclusion Nano, for all the people in Albania and even for various institutions in Europe, Fatos Nano is being held imprisoned as a political opponent of Berisha’s regime. Nevertheless, efforts to invalidate the “Nano Affair,” to present it as an ordinary matter rather than a key issue in Albania’s political life, have failed. Without resolving it, neither the consolidation of the rule of law and democracy in Albania nor the security of the future of democratic institutions in Albania can be contemplated. The “Nano Affair” did not become such a matter subjectively, but objectively and necessarily. It is an issue that reveals the level of democracy in Albania, but also one that indicts the regime; an issue that must be resolved for the good of democracy and the fate of democratic institutions in Albania. History has shown that those who execute political opponents are on a par with their opponents’ cultural level. They do not think with their own heads even when they have them; they do not reason, and why pretend to think, they lead...

Issue of the day THE DP IN CHAOS OVER THE CONSTITUTION ISSUE Selami: “We will return to parliament” Chronology of the DP’s positions on the constitution 1. September 1994; the DP National Council decided that the Constitution should be approved by the appointed Constituent Assembly. 2. October be approved by referendum. 3. November 1994; Berisha, after 6 November: “No one should imagine that the Constitution can be approved without a referendum.” 4. November 1994; the DP National Council again decided that the Constitution should be approved by referendum. 5. January 1995; the DP National Council does not discuss the Constitution. 6. February 1995; Selami in Shkodër (after returning from Strasbourg): “The Constitution must be approved in parliament.” After this brief chronology of the DP’s positions on the issue of approving the constitution, it is not difficult to understand that this party is in complete chaos over the matter. Selami’s statement to the DP activists at the third meeting in Shkodër on 10 February, that the Constitution should be approved in Parliament, is the latest act in this chaotic adventure. Two points draw attention in Selami’s latest position. First, his statement contradicts the DP National Council’s decision on this issue, a decision made at a meeting of the Council after the Referendum. Thus Selami is going against the party’s decision. On the other hand, Selami’s position contradicts Berisha’s statement, made at the press conference on the day after the 6 November Referendum. According to President Berisha’s declaration, without a referendum.” This shows that there are disagreements within the DP leadership on this important issue. Selami’s latest position on the Constitution expresses a higher degree of realism on his part than Berisha’s judgments. Selami understands that another referendum adventure would blow the DP to pieces entirely. He knows that the electorate has abandoned this party and that, in this situation, it is better to maintain the existing stalemate than to prepare new defeats with your own hands. Selami knows that his new position is a retreat from the party’s stubborn actions after 6 November. The five opposition parties, which have not made efforts during this period to return the constitution to Parliament, have the right to demand political capital from the DP for this unjustified delay. Nevertheless, for Selami, the philosophy “better late than never” is preferable, all the more so given another Albanian saying. Selami openly defies Berisha with his idea of (Continued on page 3)

Meeting between the President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, Mr Miguel Angel Martinez, and the chairman of the PS parliamentary group, NAMIK DOKLE. The chairman of the Socialist Party parliamentary group, Namik Dokle, who is in Strasbourg these days to attend a political course at the Council of Europe, met on 10 February 1995 with the President of this Council’s Parliamentary Assembly, Mr Miguel Angel Martinez. The discussion focused on the current situation in Albania and the joint efforts needed to secure its earliest possible admission to the Council of Europe. Namik Dokle informed Mr Martinez about the work that has been done and is being done on Albania’s new Constitution and on the approval of the Criminal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure. The 6 November referendum, Namik Dokle said, showed that the Albanian people know how and want to build a genuine democracy; it showed a high level of understanding of the principles of the rule of law, and showed that the people are emancipated and have a clear European vision. The people’s vote on 6 November will certainly contribute to the emancipation of Albanian politics and politicians. This is a people that deserves to join the European family as soon as possible. “Intensive work is under way on this matter,” Mr Martinez stressed. The committees have been informed of the situation, and there are opportunities to overcome the problems through shared determination. Albania could prepare for admission to the Council of Europe for the Parliamentary Assembly’s April or June session. During the discussion, the Nano case also featured. The preliminary report by the rapporteur of the Assembly’s Political Committee states that an international observation mission concerning the Nano case has been authorized. This observation has now been carried out by the delegation of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, and its report will also be considered at the Union’s 93rd Conference, to be held in Madrid in March. Among other things, Mr Martinez stressed that admission to the Council of Europe and the signing of the European Convention on Human Rights at the time of admission would provide greater scope for protecting human rights in Albania. In this context, the Nano case could also be brought before the European Court of Human Rights, if no other solution is found. Other matters of mutual interest were also discussed at the meeting. Spokesperson for the Socialist Party.

A difficult struggle for survival for the cement factory — The state itself creates the obstacles: it sets a ceiling on the price of cement, but not on raw materials. Stone production is to be privatized — One of the few enterprises still operating in Elbasan is the cement factory. Last year it produced 110,000 tonnes of cement, compared with 85,000 tonnes produced the year before, despite competition from imported cement. The factory has not caused social problems either, since its 780 employees have not been put on unemployment assistance. Despite its successful survival so far, the factory is facing major difficulties and, as a result, has been seriously threatened with closure. Why? The price of limestone, which is obtained from the Paper Enterprise, has increased 29-fold, while the price of... (Continued on page 6)

Sugar is missing from the market. Why? — Its price has reached 80 lekë per kilogram — These days sugar is not being sold in the markets of the towns in the Kurbin district—Laç, Mamurras and Milot. Why? According to traders’ statements, the shortage of sugar at the shops is explained by the general lack of price discipline. They say that at the trading outlets in Tirana from which they obtain sugar, it costs 60 lekë per kilogram. As a result, they cannot buy it, since they cannot sell it in the towns at a price above that level, following the measures taken by the competent authorities after the price ceiling was imposed. The measures taken by the financial police, which have carried out continuous inspections in recent days, have also contributed to this. Meanwhile, in fact, during the change... The ability where ... the financial police could go ... sugar is being sold at up to 60 lekë per kg. BEKTASHI ZENELI

The DP: A black veil over CORRUPTION, as long as it takes no stand against its own corrupt officials. Unlike any other Democratic Party minister, Safet Zhulali is the person facing the greatest number of the most serious accusations, on a human level. Having proclaimed himself the President’s most trusted man, and been loudly touted in the ministry as the most successful intellectual among the DP, Zhulali apparently felt secure and immune enough to do anything. Accused dozens of times in Parliament and in the press, he has not only failed to reflect, but, worse, has shown signs of nervousness, losing his composure and displaying his characteristic past behavior. Recently, a very serious accusation has been made against him: direct involvement in trafficking arms and ammunition in favor of the Bosnian Serbs, according to MP Teta, accompanied by documents signed by ... bearing the name Safet Zhulali. Not only that, but it is said this will not be the last accusation. The pu- (Continued on page 5) blic release of other documents is expected. Yet, as if nothing had happened, and in order to show that “he is calm and doesn’t care about the accusations being made against him,” Safet Zhulali defies not only Parliament but public opinion as a whole with his repeated appearances on state television, according to a program devilishly devised by propaganda experts: at receptions and send-offs, at dinners, and not forgetting either the meeting with the veterans of Doctor Dishnica or the second anniversary of the installation of American military advisers at the Ministry of Defense. On the other hand, instead of denouncing the crows of political and economic corruption that have brought shame on the whole DP, Rilindja Demokratike fabricates tracks on the road, forgetting that silence—or, worse, defending corruption—is fatal for the newspaper too. The DP, even at its own gathering of... (Continued on page 5)

The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Malta and Slovenia may join the European Community when the third enlargement takes place in 2003, said former Community economic commissioner Heling Kristofersen. Talks on membership will begin after the intergovernmental conference convened by the European Community in 1996. This increases the chances that these five countries will become part of the Community in eight years, that is, in 2003. Kristofersen said that Romania, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, as well as parts of the former Yugoslavia, are not suitable candidates for now, because their systems of democracy and treatment of minorities are not at the required level. Albania and Turkey are not realistic candidates either, because their economies are not sufficiently developed. The European Community expanded this year to 15 members, with Austria, Finland and Sweden also joining. On the program Shqip Doçje - Vale

confidence against PIETER ARBNORI - Fehmi Abdiu, PS: We took the decision because this is not an isolated case, but a continuing pattern of violations that have occurred and are occurring in the Albanian Parliament - - Perikli Teta, PAD: Pietri has never understood that the chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly has decision-making authority only over the typist and the administrative staff - This is another motion of no confidence, but this time against the head of the Albanian Parliament, Mr. Pjetër Arbnori. It bears at the end the signatures of 27 MPs, representatives of 5 parliamentary parties. The accusations are direct and include everything from Pjetër’s “games” and systematic violations of the rules of the People’s Assembly to the tarnishing of his reputation through the misuse of funds for personal purposes. “We took the decision,” Socialist MP Fehmi Abdiu told Zëri i Popullit, the Albanian Parliament, committed deliberately by the chairman of the Presidium, Pjetër Arbnori.” These violations, Mr. Abdiu continued, have been repeatedly denounced by the Socialist group, both in Parliament and outside it through the press. The truth is [...] and are occurring in the Albanian Parliament...” The Parliamentary Presidium, headed by Mr. Arbnori, has made no change of course; on the contrary, it is very determined in what it is doing. The criticism of Pjetër Arbnori comes from representatives of MPs belonging to five parliamentary parties. Indeed, one might say that the accusations set out in the motion, which will soon be debated in Parliament, are not the only ones. “Of course, they are not the only ones,” says PAD MP Perikli Teta. He should have been dismissed from his position as Chairman of the Parliamentary Presidium on the very day he signed the People’s Assembly’s membership in the Black Sea Assembly without first obtaining the Assembly’s consent and without having that membership ratified by the Assembly. Mr. Teta takes the argument further, saying that he (Pjetri) has no authority and, as Chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, has ... (Continued on page 5)

German President Herzog will soon make a visit to Albania. This is the first visit by a German president to our country. It reflects the level of Albanian-German relations and is a further contribution to their development. It is a sign of Germany’s support for Albania on its path toward democracy and a market economy. During his visit, the German president will meet officials, address the Albanian Parliament and visit several Albanian cities.

MEETING OF COMRADES-IN-ARMS On February 10, a gathering of former Debatik members from the time of the National Anti-Fascist Liberation War was held in Tirana to mark the 50th anniversary of the founding of this organization of anti-fascist youth. Around 200 people met there, who at the time were 10–14 years old and are now gray-haired, half... ... in biogra...ralists from various parties, who ... and honored by the people. Many ... have made their own the fruitfulness of ... (Continued on page 4)