SANCTIONS FROM THE WEST ARE EXPECTED: - Thousands of Turks, Kurds, Arabs, Chinese and Malaysians are heading for Europe from Albanian ports - The Turkish aircraft «Tonpair» lands three times a week under the care of the Albanian state, which grants it exclusive rights After 2 July 1990—when more than 300 young Albanians opened the doors of foreign embassies in Tirana—Albania would be returned to the image of more than 80 years earlier. In March 1991, thousands of Albanians disembarked in Durrës, turning their «dream» of tears into an exodus of hope toward neighbouring Italy, alluring with its prosperity. Although somewhat disappointing for the young people of March, it would retain its alluring value for the young people of August. In this very month of 1992—only four months after the victory of the Albanian Democratic Party—first Vlora, and then Durrës, once again became the departure points for the first Albanians disappointed by the reality of March 1992 (Paradise had been promised: PD = Dollars). But official Italy, which had launched a long-term programme of aid and development for Albania in April 1991, changed the course—in the opposite direction, toward Albania—of the river of Albanians pouring onto the shores of Puglia. This happened because official Rome was not prepared to receive Albanians, even though it saw their future in their own country, generously supported by more than 700 billion lire in aid and development projects under medium- and long-term plans. Clandestines... The August repatriation… foreshadowed the fate of those who would head to Italy by way of the exodus. But this repatriation could not stop Albanians—whose hope had been killed by the Albanian reality—from wanting Italy. And a silent exodus accompanied… Rome reacts. Tirana...? While for official Tirana the phenomenon that has emerged since the middle of this year presents no problem, for official Rome everything has turned into a serious and permanent concern. The concern—despite relations being in an icy state—was formally raised with Tirana’s officials by Rome’s highest-ranking officials. Thus, in September 1994, Mr Martino, foreign minister in Mr Silvio Berlusconi’s government, visited Tirana and, judging by what was made public about the visit, it seemed its sole purpose was to find a solution to this phenomenon, namely the clandestines. The following facts, statements and arguments reinforce this view: 9 September 1994. Six days before Martino’s visit to Tirana Three prefects from the Puglia region, led by the prefect of Bari, Mr Domenico Catenci, proposed in a letter to Interior Minister Maroni and Defence Minister Previti: «Deploying the navy to patrol territorial waters and block the ongoing landings of clandestines». Meanwhile, Italian Deputy Police Chief Michele Serra proposed: «Today, if clandestines stopped in Italy do not comply with the repatriation order, nothing happens; it would be normal, however, to bring the regulations into force by providing for their arrest as well». 10 September 1994. Berlin. Europe, too, is concerned by the wave of … 2. Seizure of the financial proceeds of those companies that run the clandestine migration market; 3. Immediate repatriation to the country from which they came. 12 September 1994. The day before his visit to Tirana, Martino declares: «Clandestines» means that it is practically impossible for them to be admitted to the labour market. The phenomenon of immigration concerns all of Europe and the entire Mediterranean region. I believe conditions must be created by intensifying international cooperation, particularly within the European framework, to prevent an exodus of people who cannot find work and cannot be accepted by the countries to which they are heading. 13 September 1994. Martino in Tirana During his official visit to Tirana, after meetings with his counterpart Serreqi, Prime Minister Meksi and President Berisha, Italian Foreign Minister Mr Martino declares: «The clandestine emigration of Albanians to Italy will be stopped immediately because public opinion is demanding this …», making public the Italian Government’s request … to put a stop to the uninterrupted landings on the shores of Puglia. He goes on: «Immigration in Italy does not enjoy public support because it is very easily conflated there with the phenomenon of clandestine migration and takes on all the public-order implications that it entails …»

«Nothing to be surprised about. Exposing and punishing the “enemies of the party” is a phenomenon very familiar to Albanians. This time Berisha added Eduart Selami to their list; he is currently the chairman of the Democratic Party, still in power. «We do not have a difference of opinion, but a difference in positions»—the President’s spokesperson explains; which clearly means that the bridges between them have now been definitively burned. The crisis within the DP is taking on a new dimension; conflicts are intensifying. At first glance it seems that we are dealing with two groups, but in fact that is not so. Factionalism within the DP is greater, a phenomenon stemming from the very conflicting interests that brought people together in that party. This is a truth Berisha knows very well. That is why he is alarmed, jumps… and remembers the “Iagos” of democracy, hoping he can stop the great hemorr…hage. Eduart Selami is not alone. Within his party he has many sympathizers and supporters, who also showed themselves at Berisha’s rallies during the illegal referendum, shouting “Edi, Edi, Edi!” That is why he is calling for a basic rule to be applied in a party where true democracy prevails, such as a secret ballot, because he believes in its miracle and in the silence of his supporters. Let us recall the beginnings of the Democratic Party, which was the first to impose the secret ballot on Albanian political life, a rule that should be observed… in all other democratic parties and organisations. Let us recall this, because Berisha has turned all the values into relics for his party. Frightened by his successive failures and the decline of his credibility, he compares himself and refuses to turn it into an idea… As long as a party lacks internal democracy, it can never be the bearer of democratic ideals; it can never build true democracy. On the eve of new parliamentary elections, such a truth takes on many times greater significance, which cannot be diminished by the … of Tritan Shehu or someone else like him. This great truth is a human one and a civic appeal, not only to the opposition and democratic forces themselves, but to all honest people, who, by dismounting the clan chief from his horse, should take the fate of democracy into their own hands and save it from degenerating into chieftainism.

Reading yesterday’s leading article in RD, written by Prof. Dr. Tritan Shehu, one gets the impression that the candidate for Chairman of the DP has «evolved» quite a bit. He is the very same person who made the statement in parliament that was called «the most absurd statement of 1994»: «We have never sought, and do not seek, the consensus of the socialists». And, as if to soften or justify this, during the referendum campaign he strangely addressed the Albanian electorate, writing: «The Socialists want to bring back the cooperatives»! Reading yesterday’s leading article in RD, written by Prof. Dr. in one… Tritan Shehu, one gets the impression that the candidate for Chairman of the DP has «evolved» quite a bit. He is the very same person who made the statement in parliament that was called «the most absurd statement of 1994»: «We have never sought, and do not seek, the consensus of the socialists». And, as if to soften or justify this, he strangely [addressed?] the Albanian electorate during the referendum campaign, writing «tëzen»: «The Socialists want to bring back the cooperatives»! This took up so much space that it became a kind of second «name» for him; that is, instead of T. SH., when he appears on TV, people call him «The one who protects us from the cooperatives»! Yet yesterday in his newspaper «RD», like a competent scholar (which shows that he did not receive his medical degrees and scientific titles by some decree of President Berisha), he declares that «even a child knows that the former dictatorial regime (let alone the cooperatives) will not return to Albania»! Nevertheless, Mr Shehu concludes that the «communist danger» potentially exists within the PS—in its ideas, concepts, methods, machinations, street crimes, etc. Quite a discovery! It turns out that the Socialists, as well as «certain other political parties, offspring of the PS», because they have ideas, concepts, methods and alternatives different from those of the DP, constitute an «actual and ongoing danger of communism returning to Albania». Apparently, evolution has force only in the first two columns of the leading article, because in the third he again denies what he wrote above: that communism ‘will not return to Albania’! Mr Shehu has now made it absolutely clear that any other political force (apart from the DP) that might win the coming elections will be declared «communist». This, apparently, is the reason for Mr Shehu’s other statement in «Gazeta Shqiptare»: «No fear at all about the ’96 elections». And the electorate will surely believe him as November approaches. The Observer

The August repatriation foreshadowed the fate of those who would head to Italy by way of the exodus. But this repatriation could in no way stop Albanians—whose hope had been killed by the Albanian reality—from wanting Italy. And a silent exodus accompanied September, October and November; December 1992, the 12 months of ’93, the 12 months of ’94, and it continues today, bringing the number of Albanians to as many as 100,000. It is just as massive as the first exoduses. With expertly forged visas and passports, on fishing boats, with «corks», and finally in «comfortable» speedboats, Albanians head to Italy as «clandestines». Dozens have drowned in the waters between the two shores, bringing their dream to an end once and for all; hundreds have been repatriated, but just as many have set foot on Puglian soil, dispersing throughout Italy and doggedly integrating into Italian society. Although this has happened, official Rome has maintained the lawful position it adopted in August ’92. Because of this position of August ’92, specific domestic reasons, and political reasons as well, fewer and fewer Albanians are heading to Italy. But, strangely, just as this phenomenon ought to have come to an end here, what should not happen is happening. Albanian clandestines are being replaced by Turks, Kurds, Chinese, Palestinians, Arabs, Egyptians, Filipinos and Malaysians, pushing clandestine migration to levels higher than those reached in these two years. All of them travel through Albania toward Italy and then onward to other Western countries, using Albania as their route. Meanwhile, the deputy chief of the Italian police, Michele Serra, proposes: «Today, if undocumented migrants detained in Italy do not comply with the deportation order, nothing happens, whereas it would be normal to make the rules effective by providing for their arrest as well. 10 September 1994, Berlin. Europe, too, is concerned by the wave of undocumented migrants. During a meeting held on 10 September 1994 in Berlin to address this issue, the Interior and Justice ministers of the Twelve adopted a series of strict measures: 1. Sanctions for those who favor— toward measures to «block [them] immediately» because public opinion is asking for this. «thus making public the Italian Government’s intentions to put a stop to the uninterrupted landings on the shores of Puglia. To continue further: Immigration in Italy does not enjoy the favor of public opinion because there it is very easily associated with the phenomenon of undocumented immigration and takes on all the public-order implications that it brings with it. We intend to fight undocumented immigration precisely in order to restore legal immigration in a less conservative context».

But despite these regimes, everything has taken on even greater proportions. The latest fact—made public by the Italian media on 10 February 1995—that illustrates the phenomenon is this: «A patrol boat belonging to the Otranto (Lecce) harbour authority pursued and intercepted a boat carrying seventy ethnic Kurds from Turkey, including five women. Nineteen other Kurds were stopped on Otranto beach by the carabinieri. Meanwhile, dozens of other Kurds and ten Albanians were caught by the financial police. Around 40 other traffickers were also apprehended during the operations». But this news concerns what is happening on the Puglian coast. Yes, but what is happening on the Albanian coast? Under Albanian legislation regulating entry into Albania, there is an exceptional visa regime. Established by a decree of the President of the Republic, this regime opens Albania’s borders by abolishing visas for the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, Egypt, Bulgaria and Turkey. This decree, or entry regime for Albania, has been supplemented by the abolition of visas for other countries as well, including Brunei, Malaysia, etc. But whereas the abolition of visas for the 16 countries of the European Common Market and the EFTA countries was intended to attract foreign investors through this facility, the abolition of visas for the other countries mentioned above appears to be attracting clandestines. It is precisely this legislation, which has opened Albania to the world of the Orient and to people from the Orient wishing to visit Albania, that gives rise to the following situation at Albania’s entry points. (To be continued on page 3)

Organisational strengthening and the effectiveness of cooperation between the party and local government were the main topics on which discussions focused at the meeting of the District Council of the PS in the Lushnjë district. In the paper prepared by the chairman for the occasion, Miltjadha Matjand provides a detailed analysis of the functioning of the area councils and grassroots PS organisations, emphasising the flow of work [unclear] that has developed in the party’s work, which is as optimistic [repeated in source] in the communes as Halkak. Among the communes mentioned are Bubullimë, etc., as well as Taja Shegan, Colmen and in the town S. Sadoqotë; the tests and follow-ups, which were tragic during the referendum[?], from Lushnjë to Libofshë on 6 November, remain the basic principles for every analysis of the party’s work in the district. Time is showing that the fiercer the political struggle, the stronger the branches supported by their supporters are. Specifically, in just the first month and a half of this year, 70 people have been accepted into the party, and four new organisations have been established in the villages of Hajdaraj (Golem Commune), Gorres (Kolonjë Commune), Karbunarë and in the town. In terms of organisation, we can mention the fact that since 8 January, 47 are aged 30 [or under?] and are joining the party for the first time; seven are intellectuals, six are from the town, two from the— (To be continued on page 2)

- STATEMENT - The Pogradec District Council, meeting on 20.2.1995, after discussing the extraordinary acts and violations of human rights against the citizens of Pogradec by Mr. Pëllumb Korfuz, and the conclusions of the panel of judges regarding the defendant, declares that: 1. During Mr. Pëllumb Korfuz’s time in office as chief of the police station, unlawful actions were carried out, including violations by him of the human rights of dozens of citizens of Pogradec. 2. Several people (holders of the district and municipality were beaten and mistreated without justified cause. 3. He brutally mistreated the villagers of Udënisht village twice in succession over this matter. 4. He did not make any effort— 5. For the reasons stated above, the District Council requested Mr. Pëllumb Korfuz’s dismissal from all state authorities (the President, the Prime Minister, the Minister of the Interior, and the Prosecutor General). Nevertheless, not only was no action taken, but he was instead appointed chief of the Korçë police station. The lawbreaker gets promoted?! 6. The trial held against him was also a farce, because: On the first day, the court hearing was not held in the courtroom. (Continued on page 2)

At 12 o’clock, the square in front of Tirana City Hall filled with hundreds of women protesting against environmental pollution and the cementing over of the capital at the expense of green spaces. They were representatives of 12 organizations which, for over four months, had found a way to cooperate and mobilize around their common concerns. P[?] appea[red] to «this cooperation and their civic concern» and the commitment of firm[?] for life. (Continued on page 2)

Correction: Not his criminal masal, but his criminal mashal This refers to yesterday’s leading article published in «Zërin e Popullit», where in the third paragraph of the first column it was written «a typographical error». The paragraph should read: «It was Sali Berisha who devised and carried out, with his criminal mashal, the arrest and sentencing of Fatos Nano. When did he do this? When Fatos Nano led the trial against the shameful decoration “Arsidi” that Berisha still wears on his chest.»