Although President Berisha had declared: “WHEN THE SOVEREIGN SPEAKS, OTHERS MUST BE SILENT” Yesterday the Constitutional Court announced its decision, rejecting the requests submitted to it by the parliamentary groups of the Socialist Party and the Social Democratic Party to declare unconstitutional the referendum of 6 November 1994 and the very procedure of approving the Constitution by referendum, when, under the fundamental constitutional provisions, this power belongs exclusively to the People’s Assembly. It sounds like a paradox, but it is true. A full four months after the requests were filed and three and a half months after the referendum concluded, the Constitutional Court “comes back to life,” and Mr Rustem Gjata finds his voice, reading a decision that seems to have been drafted in the offices of the Presidency. Legally, yesterday’s decision has no value whatsoever. Because, with its free vote on 6 November 1994, the people signed a resounding “no” to Berisha and all his policies: against the violation of human freedoms and rights, against violence and coercion, corruption, the usurpation of powers, and the political imprisonment of opponents. Meanwhile, the Constitutional Court’s decision once again shows how powerless this institution is in the face of Berisha’s political power. Worse still, it proves that this court is serving as another advocate, placing itself at Berisha’s service for his dangerous games in the future. The attempt to remove Eduart Selami from the post of chairman of the Democratic Party, just as became public… the PD precisely after he publicly came out in favour of the idea of approving the Constitution in Parliament, is no coincidence alongside such a decision—one as absurd as it is shameful for those who signed it. Berisha needs this decision to use as “legal cover” for the unconstitutional and anti-democratic steps in which even some old men are becoming his accomplices; they would do well to go and stay in their own homes, face their grandchildren and stop disgracing themselves further. Everything is clear. A decision is announced “IN THE NAME OF THE PEOPLE” precisely against their will, against the verdict they delivered on 6 November. Although after the referendum silent,” yesterday’s decision has dismissed the word of his sovereign—the people. For him, their words are worth no more than a blade of straw to a drowning man, which he would use to make the sovereign fall silent so that he can speak. But he forgets that nobody listens to his hoarse voice anymore. And a blade of straw is only a blade of straw… LUAN M. RAMA

The “difference of opinion” between Berisha and Selami gave way to a “difference in positions” between them. This was confirmed by the president’s spokesperson, who also acts as spokesperson for the head of state when the latter delivers speeches to the DP’s party structures. This is merely the formal etiquette surrounding the issue, which no longer surprises people who have had their fill of such absurdities. The heart of the matter is how far this “difference in positions” will go and what course events in the DP will take from here. For this “difference in positions” concerns two fundamental issues: the assessment of the country’s government, on the one hand, and the “major issue of the Constitution,” on the other. The DP is facing dramatic developments within its ranks, developments that will also determine this party’s place and role in the country’s political life and its standing in the eyes of the outside world. But to understand what may happen next, it is necessary to recall some of the DP’s most recent events. In his latest statements, Selami called for a revision of the DP’s line. He has never expressed this explicitly in those words. But Selami’s statements such as “I did my part…,” and “we could win in 1996, but they did not listen to me” (BÇC, 21 February) bear this out. Faced with the obvious crisis of the opposition in Albania and with the successive victories of the left in the former communist countries of the East, as new elections loom, Selami has thought of saving what can be saved of the DP. In his view, the way to save it was for the party to distance itself from its compromised elements. To do this, a number of shortcomings of the government had to be acknowledged. Its force would be reduced everywhere, its ground and the success of its attacks on public opinion diminished. In Selami’s view, the party itself was more important than a government cabinet. This is how his recent criticisms of the country’s governance and his proposal to combine the post of party chairman with that of head of government should be understood—as an act of pressure. By attacking the country’s governance, Selami hoped that in the new elections he could take the DP forward, at least partly detached from the burden of bad government. The second issue targeted by Selami’s campaign, the Constitution, was just as sensitive for the opposition, both internally and externally. The temporary political losses that would result from the DP’s retreat from its earlier positions on the Constitution would be offset by the fact that in the new elections the DP would go forward with an approved Constitution and with Albania accepted into the Council… (Continued on page 3)

The trial over the arms affair with Albania will begin soon in Bulgaria Documents have been presented that also implicate the Albanian defence minister and Prime Minister The arms affairs with Albania have caused a veritable earthquake in the Bulgarian military establishment. The issue continues to be a “…” in the Bulgarian press. Many military officers have been dismissed and made subject to criminal proceedings, while efforts have been made to launch investigations into its senior officers; Albanian military officers have also been accused of serving secret Serbian schemes. “The Albanians are doing the Serbs’ bidding” were the headlines that appeared in Bulgarian newspapers for a long time. The Bulgarian authorities have not stopped there. The day before yesterday, the newspaper “168 Orë” reported that preparations were under way for the case to go to trial soon. Before the court… The arms deals military establishment. The issue continues to be at the epicenter of placed under criminal investigation, including former Defense Minister Valentin Aleksandrov, who has been summoned by the prosecution authorities to give explanations. But Aleksandrov’s statements, now made public, have deepened the mystery surrounding the affair. It has become known that President Zhelev and former Prime Minister Berov were also aware of the affair. At the epicenter of these scandals is the sale to the Albanian army of mine launchers worth 700,000 dollars, which suddenly disappeared in Macedonia, only to end up in the war zones of Bosnia. As a result, the Bulgarians suffered losses of 700,000 dollars, giving rise not only to investigations into their senior military officers, but also to accusations that Albanian military officers were acting in the service of covert Serbian operations. “The Albanians are playing the Serbs’ game” were the headlines that accompanied the Bulgarian newspapers for a long time… On February 14, Deputy Chief of the General Staff Agim Baruti stated at a press conference in Sujë, regarding this issue, that the former director of MEICO (Military Export Import Company) was under arrest. His statement was once again met with rebuttals in the press. The newspaper «158 Orë» wrote a few days ago that Sali Kuçi was giving interviews from Germany… But while the former Albanian director is free, just two days after Mr. Baruti’s press conference, on February 16, 1995, the Military College of the Supreme Court arrested the former Director of Trade at the Bulgarian Ministry of Defense, K… (Continued on page 2)

Interview with Mr Bashkim Zeneli, deputy chairman of the People’s Assembly Committee on Foreign Policy and International Relations, given to journalist Erion Braçe Mr Zeneli, in recent days the Committee on Foreign Policy and International Relations has held two meetings on the situation in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, concerning the opening of the University of Tetovo and the killing of Albanians. Something was said about these meetings on TV. Can you tell us more? — The Committee discussed with concern what is happening to Albanians in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. We have supported the legitimate right of Albanians to be educated and taught in their mother tongue at every level. We have also strongly condemned the criminal act of the Macedonian police in killing a young Albanian and injuring several others. This is unacceptable and chauvinistic. The Macedonian government is fully responsible for this. — Excuse me, do you consider this action by the Macedonian government accidental, spontaneous? — No, I do not consider it at all isolated from a series of actions against Albanians in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia that are already well known and that, unfortunately, have also been ignored by the Albanian state. The director of the Directorate for Balkan Countries and PJ, whom we summoned to the Committee, briefed us on the concrete situation and the course of relations. The Committee stressed that Albania has indeed wanted, and continues to want, stability in Macedonia, but that actions and repeated anti-Albanian positions must never be tolerated. Skopje has abused this tolerance. But this tolerance also seems puzzling to me in the conduct of official Albanian policy. I believe that, despite the policy of… at the head of the state, Skopje does not understand—or does not want to understand—that the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia cannot stand on its feet without an Albanian factor. We do not want to destabilize Macedonia; we want good neighbourly relations with this republic, which is also in the interests of stability in the region. But the Albanian government must act very carefully to ensure that this goal is consistent with the fulfilment of the legitimate interests and rights of the Albanians there. — Let us turn to a more specific question. How did the Committee judge the Skopje government’s action to prevent the opening of the University of Tetovo? — Not only the parliamentary committee but also the Albanian political parties that have expressed their views on this have condemned the action. The right of Albanians to education in their mother tongue is legitimate. This right is also recognized in international instruments. The UNESCO Convention also makes provision, as an obligation, for “higher education in the language of ethnic communities.” There is practical experience of this around the world. (Continued on page 4)

Residents of the town of Peshkopi, in the district of Dibër … Bafjtar Rusi, along with [residents] of the surrounding villages as well as students … marched through the town’s streets in protest against the brutal violence … by the government of the former republic …

— The first-leg final ends with Dinamo winning 1–0 — Koka of Durrës and one of the substitutes are escorted to Police Station No. 2 A unique incident has occurred at a football match in Tirana. The match result is not known, which… (Continued on page 8)

With the aim of strengthening the trade union movement so it can withstand the harshness of the Meksi government’s economic reform and its consequences, and fight corruption in the privatization process, the second conference of the Vlora Trade Union Confederation was held. The main report and the discussions highlighted the severe economic situation of broad sections of the population in Vlora, especially the unemployed, intellectuals and pensioners. There are 9,585 unemployed, 3,579 receiving assistance, and 12,400 people living on economic aid. They want protection; they want work. The government and local authorities remain indifferent to this situation. Meanwhile, almost all factories and production facilities have been destroyed. Under these conditions, with this kind of governance, there is no prospect of improvement. Small traders are dissatisfied and face gradual bankruptcy. Their profit margins keep falling because the government has introduced no protective measures. Privatization… Irregularities and embezzlement by some. Workers get nothing from privatization. There are serious concerns at the lamp factory; 120 of its workers are protesting. The State Control authorities have ordered the suspension of the privatization of the artistic enterprise, but there has still been no concrete result. These and other concerns were discussed at the conference, which set concrete goals for opposing, by democratic means, the Meksi government’s strategy of total privatization of the economy. At the conference of the Vlora Trade Union Confederation, a protest addressed to Parliament, the President and the Prime Minister was presented. But will the government lift a finger to deal with the problems of ordinary people? Kastriot Miço, chairman of the Confederation of Trade Unions of Albania, attended and spoke at the conference. Representatives of the PS, PSD, PDSH and PUK also delivered greetings. GEZIM TUSHE

— He bought 11 offices for 3.9 million lek — A decision by the Korçë Privatization Board declares Mr. Hajredin Beqiraj, head of the SHKK, the owner of 11 offices belonging to the former wood-processing enterprise. His being a member of the board made it much easier for him to come out ahead of the other claimants. Indeed, it seems to have also caused the value of the property to fall to a minimum. Privatization rules require the initial value of a property to rise through competition. This time, the opposite happened. The initial value, set at 7.25 million lek (old lek), fell to 3.9 million. The reduction of the turnover assets helped greatly in enabling the new owner to acquire all 11 rooms, with their annexes, for a truly laughable sum. Many other applications had also been submitted; one applicant even had detailed plans to turn them into useful business premises. But Mr. Hajredin, with the board’s help, managed to sideline the competitors. MUHARREM MEKO

Baftar Rusi, a resident of the city of Peshkopi in the district of Dibër, after speaking about the continuation of the repression organized against Albanians in recent years and about the well-known events in Dig-pazar in Shkup, Veleshtë, Llodovishtë and Dibra e Madhe, the desecration of the national flag, etc., said that we believe our state’s government should reconsider its positions toward the Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. From the political party’s rally in Dibër, they sent a protest telegram to the dean of the diplomatic corps in Albania, Mr. George Miku. A. ASHIKU

The Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Germany, Mr. Dr. Claus Vollers, expressed his condolences to the Albanian Foreign Minister, Mr. Alfred Serreqi, over the tragic accident in Berat. On behalf of the German Government, with the assistance of the German Red Cross, the Ambassador secured the urgently needed medicines requested by the doctors at the Army Central Hospital for the seriously ill. These medicines were handed over to the hospital’s doctors on Monday, February 20. Press Attaché Tiranë, February 22, 1995 Gerald Wolf

No accurate information can be given about the distribution of title deeds in the villages of Dibër. From conversations with villagers in various areas, one learns that the land taxes have reached them one by one, but the title deeds have not. Conversations with commune leaders show that the distribution of title deeds cannot be counted on the fingers of one hand. A villager from a remote village in Dibër has come several times to the cadastre office and has been unable to get an answer to his problem. “I have spent thousands of lek just on the journey, and, unable to get through the iron door of the cadastre office, I fell to my knees and begged for help in solving the problem.” The duty policeman in the so-called fortress throws down the stairs a villager who knocks and enters the cadastre office. Wishing to provide information about what is being done to distribute the title deeds and complete them, we made inquiries (…?). We asked Xhembulla, the head of the Cadastre, for two pieces of information: the number of title deeds distributed to villagers and the areas and villages where they had been distributed. He answered the question with a question—“Who do you want them for?”—and then categorically refused to provide information. According to him, information is given only by order and with authorization from the chairman of the district council, Mr. Mentor Bu—nguri. The phenomenon is not isolated. In the offices of the Dibër district council, offices staffed by people trusted by the party, and with politicized power and … (Continued on page 2)