1. Where is the negative aspect of the former draft constitution of 1994 to be found, given that in the referendum on 8 November the majority of voters expressed themselves with a “No”? There are many reasons. But in this instance, I think it necessary to dwell on just one issue. A draft with gaps and serious shortcomings was submitted to the November referendum. In part, this was acknowledged after the referendum result even by those who had spoken in glowing terms about the draft. Nevertheless, it would not be right to deny the contribution of our specialists to the drafting of the 1994 draft constitution. The negative aspect must be seen in the subsequent consequences brought about by the influence of narrow party interests on the commission’s work, the procedure established for approving the draft constitution, and the extremely heated political campaign on voting day. But this, although important, is only one side of the problem. The other side, which I believe is extremely important, concerns the mistaken and subjective view of the voters themselves. Euphoria prevented reality from being recognized. Excessive and unfounded confidence transformed the referendum into an end in itself. In principle, it was said that people would become aware, as they familiarized themselves with the draft constitution, and would be convinced that it was democratic, contemporary and enduring. Practice and judgement have shown that the 25 days before the referendum were not enough even for lawyers. Comments, criticisms and suggestions began to be made about the draft as a whole and about specific provisions. Normally, the priority should have been to collect them, discuss them, assess them critically and objectively, and, in the end, make the necessary improvements (clarifications and additions). In fact, the call to vote “Yes” to this draft prevailed. This imposed the only possible course: the path to improvement had been eliminated from the moment it was decided that the draft would be approved by referendum. Was this not politicized formalism? Certainly it was. But in this case formalism had harmful consequences. Let us assume for a moment that the draft constitution had been approved by, say, a majority of voters. What would have been done about its shortcomings or gaps? Article 130 of the former draft would have been applied, meaning that amendments would have had to be submitted to Parliament and, after being approved by two-thirds of all MPs, sent for approval in a popular referendum. Would it have been serious to proceed in this way immediately after the constitution’s approval? What could one say about its durability? Under these circumstances, parliamentary conflict would certainly have intensified and reaching consensus would have become even more difficult. It seems that the people, the sovereign, understood this too and in the referendum voted—(Continued on page 2)

Statement of the National Council of the Confederation of Trade Unions of Albania To the President of the Republic, Mr. SALI BERISHA. To the Speaker of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, Mr. PJETËR ARBNORI TO THE PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS. For your information: To the diplomatic representatives accredited in Tirana, To the editorial offices of the Albanian press and mass media. The Confederation of Trade Unions of Albania, representing the masses of the people and workers, has welcomed the democratic developments in our country and, through its realistic and constructive demands, has strongly supported these developments in the interests of the country’s development, the people’s welfare, progress and social peace. Objectively assessing the country’s serious economic and financial situation, it has never put forward absurd, unfounded or impossible-to-fulfil claims and demands. The demands presented have always been necessary and essential, while accepting dialogue and proposing possible ways of fulfilling them. But, contrary to what all Albanians had hoped, the social and economic situation has continued to deteriorate, and the economic and financial circumstances of the overwhelming majority of the people have reached the bare minimum. This is a consequence of the current government, where everything is decided arbitrarily from above, without consulting the people or the workers’ representatives on anything. A state based on the people’s power cannot be understood without consulting the people on the fundamental problems of reform and democratic developments in every field. The Confederation of Trade Unions of Albania has consistently opposed misguided actions that harm the masses of the people and workers, such as: MASS UNEMPLOYMENT. Through the infamous Article 24.1, thousands of workers were thrown out onto the street, and the promises to provide them with even a single job remained on paper. The Government has taken no action to encourage employment or open up jobs, even though it is well known that without work there is no welfare. The Confederation of Trade Unions of Albania has insisted that the Government take action to create employment, but has received the absurd reply that the Government does not concern itself with opening up jobs. Unrestrained price increases, very low wages, derisory social assistance and unemployment benefits, and minimum pensions have drastically reduced the purchasing power of the broad masses of the people, making life unbearable for many families and individuals. 2. Corruption in the privatization process, by transferring national wealth into the hands of a handful of privileged people. At its heart, the change in the social system and the establishment of a democratic system must first and foremost involve social justice in the distribution of national wealth: from property belonging to everyone and no one, to property belonging to each person according to their contribution. Unfortunately, the Albanian Government, through an absurd and arbitrary decision, applied a method of distributing this wealth that directed it to its political supporters, leaving most of the people forgotten. The people’s will was thus flagrantly violated, since the decision was made in government offices and not in the temple of democracy, Parliament, the highest representative and legislative body of the people. Such actions gave rise to the corruption of officials administering national wealth, a fact acknowledged even by the highest bodies of state power. From the very beginning of this process, the Confederation of Trade Unions of Albania has demanded that it be open and transparent, with the direct participation of workers’ representatives as well. But the trade unions have consistently been excluded from participating in this process, which is vital to the fate of democracy. 3. The lack of a protectionist policy for Albanian producers. As a result of a misguided and deliberate policy, the country’s vast natural resources and the great intellectual and mental wealth of Albanians were trampled underfoot. The Government’s economic policy destroyed Albanian producers, enterprises and traders—in other words, small and medium-sized Albanian capitalists. Ours may be the only government in the world that wants to build capitalism without this system’s decisive class. Protectionist policy has been placed solely at the service of foreigners—Greece, Macedonians, Bulgarians, Chinese—while Albanians are being struck down, solely because… (Continued on page 4)

For all these days we have grown accustomed to the announcement He is fully aware that he is right. He is just as convinced that they will remove him. He despises the methods cultivated in the party and the mechanism set up there, which until yesterday ground down his opponents and now has turned against him. According to the PD’s communiqués, the conference of 5 March will be called to discuss and decide because the issue is important. In reality, this is a highly dubious pretext. The National Council of the PD has met three times over the Constitution. Once it decided to have it drawn up by an Assembly (understandably, one appointed by Berisha’s cabinet). Selami is responsible for this unconstitutional decision. It came to nothing. Then the Council met and changed it again (every body has the right to change its own decisions), this time bringing a referendum onto the scene. This too is now clearly unconstitutional. Selami bears responsibility for this as well, at the very least before his own party. Under the new circumstances, since the people did not accept this unconstitutional procedure, the chairman of the PD proposes that the Council return to parliament, as is stated quite clearly in the Constitutional Provisions currently in force. The Council can readily decide this, since it is within its competence. But there is something else the Council cannot decide: the dismissal or election of the party chairman. That requires the Congress or an extraordinary conference. This is the real purpose and quite openly stated aim of this Conference. It is clear: the “co-chairman” of the PD, Sali Berisha, cannot accept that the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, violated the Constitutional Provisions with the referendum of 6 November; he cannot accept that this President, and no one else, used his office to force a majority of parliament to violate the Constitution; he cannot accept that he, and no one else, set things in motion, as he had set out to do, so that the Constitutional Court would come around, with the aim of having its will as evidence tomorrow. Unfortunately, Selami took these matters lightly and fell into the trap. And he cannot avoid the duel. The odds are that he will lose. When facing his comrades, Berisha’s hand does not tremble. But what will happen on 6 March and after? Nothing special will happen. Television propaganda will call for ranks to close around the President as the standard-bearer of democratic ideals; there will once again be talk of investments and investors; naturally, the red communist terror will not be forgotten, nor will the state forget to manufacture other incidents to distract people’s attention. There will be further talk about increasing Berisha’s ... in Athens; and who knows what other nonsense will be said. One thing is fairly certain: many supporters, members and sympathizers will leave the PD; they will abandon the upheaval. Although ... [partly illegible]. But what if Selami wins this duel? Again, almost the same thing: there will be talk of Berisha. His public will dwindle further; the gallery will ... itself, and the beaches too. Berisha’s third mistake, one that is fatal, is now unfolding. Even if he wins. And what about the rest of us? In any case, we too are not outside this vortex, since it affects not only the party itself, but the economy and politics. Alongside it, the state is at the peak of its curve; everyone, for better or worse, is involved. We have been experiencing this for a long time, as it keeps happening; that is why we do not ask for applause—we have reason to.

It happened on Sunday, at 11 in the morning , in the village of Terihat in Gjirokastër. Three livestock thieves, their faces covered with bags and sacks and armed, tied [him] behind a cave above the village

In the political and intellectual life of the city of Vlorë, the local press has been a powerful and consistent means of information. Some of its newspapers were of a high journalistic standard and quality, and very readable. But now they have closed. The market economy and the positions taken by the party in power are leading to the removal of this essential component of intellectual life. Legally, Vlorë has three local newspapers. In reality, it had them, because now there are none. The first newspaper, “Vlora,” closed two years ago; the newspaper “Zgjimi,” the organ of the PD, appears irregularly, while the municipal newspaper “Flamuri” has published only two issues. The newspaper “Vlora” became a public organ, indeed one in which the first ideas about democratic transformations were proclaimed. Its pages featured the names of prominent intellectuals from Vlorë, young politicians and ordinary people. It fully maintained the character of an independent publication. All the political parties expressed their ideas in it. But Vlorë’s authorities did everything they could to shut it down. And they shut it down. Now there is no periodical publication in Vlorë. And nobody is concerned about this. With sponsorship from some merchants, the Democratic Party publishes the newspaper “Zgjimi,” a publication with a very small circulation and few readers because of its low journalistic standard. Under these circumstances, a large city like Vlorë now has no newspaper at all—neither political nor informational, neither dependent nor independent. However diverse and large-circulation the central newspapers may be, they cannot replace or fulfil the role of the local press. GËZIM TUSHE.

For all these days we have grown accustomed to RTV’s clichéd announcement that a conference of the Democratic Party branch has been held in this or that district, on the eve of the party’s extraordinary conference, and that at those meetings the participants unanimously expressed themselves against PD chairman Eduard Selami’s proposals to pass the Draft Constitution through Parliament. Many thoughts and conclusions follow from what has been happening in the Democratic Party recently. Although it would be inappropriate for me to enter that whole maelstrom, I want to say something about the much-discussed recent relations between the head of state and the head of the party in power. As is known, the cause—or perhaps merely the pretext—for all that is happening was Selami’s proposal, first put forward in Shkodër and later presented at a press conference, which met with fierce reactions from Berisha and his people on the party leadership. On that occasion he was told that the PD National Council had adopted a decision in favour of the referendum route. The Council was then convened. The party chairman told its members, more or less, that circumstances had changed after 6 November and that, in keeping with the will of the people, it would be more appropriate to deal with the Constitution through Parliament, and that he saw no basis for a parliamentary crisis. According to reports, this proposal was once again received with indignation by Be... [partly illegible] The proposal was once again received with indignation by Berisha and some of his followers. This was also described as opposition to the National Council and its decisions. By a majority vote (elsewhere it is said, unanimously), it was decided to convene an extraordinary conference. The conference is now to be held on Sunday. In the first instance, it was called to accelerate the challenge Selami is making to Berisha. It seemed that the PD chairman was throwing down the gauntlet to the head of state and inviting him to a duel. The head of state accepts the challenge, taking upon himself the right to choose the arena: not Parliament, but the extraordinary conference. Nevertheless, Selami has not thrown down the gauntlet over the extraordinary conference; the truth is that Selami has never been one to throw down the gauntlet. All the developments point to the fact that this time Selami is genuinely very concerned. Not for himself, but for the party’s prestige, indeed for its [partly illegible] and future. It is not clear what Selami actually expressed in keeping with what was stated about the occupation, nor what he expressed or asked for. This is an analysis of whether Selami is right or wrong. One thing is indeed [unclear] with his party comrades: it is a fact that the PD chairman touched with a scalpel a major wound, apparently with some kind of [partly illegible]… The source would thus have exposed that exhausted body; the source of this infection is he himself too, but even more than he is his “co-chairman,” Berisha. In these circles he has become detached. Berisha, even more than he, has become detached. Berisha has become detached. Under these circumstances, it is obvious that this would happen. Then they would get through it only with Selami’s wish. Then his hand is extended, though briefly. Someone says it is better to offer it. Perhaps. I too used to think so. Now I have to correct myself: I think the hand is extended more to ask for support and overcome the threat. But. It happened that an issue in a difficult field… [partly illegible] Apart from the fact that it is extended… [partly illegible]

A flock the shepherd who was alone with the flock behind a cave above Ishat, after first binding his hands, feet, mouth and eyes, and drove off 230 sheep. The shepherd, who managed to choose [unclear] thanks to the [unclear] he had with him, notified the village. Calls to the authorities and the party, and notifications to the district, went unanswered. They surrounded the village with hunting shotguns and other weapons, made them [unclear] and not owners of the stolen livestock, and headed up the mountain.

An invitation to TV reporters. For several days, an “operation” to appropriate the reinforcing steel, beams, and wall bricks has been raging at the Qafa e Buallit hotel-restaurant in Bulqizë. Yesterday at midday, only one wall of the hotel’s first floor remained, while the terrace and the floor slabs of the second floor, the first floor, and the basement had been torn out. Today, we believe, this building has been reduced to zero. It dominates the entire view on the Dibër, Martanesh and Mat side and was built to help travelers on the bitterly cold winter days. It is regrettable that TV reporters did not take part in this important “operation” in Bulqizë, carried out in broad daylight, with the local authorities and police looking on. They search out every even slightly unusual event to sensationalize, yet close their eyes to such destruction in the middle of the day. The Qafa e Buallit hotel-restaurant in Bulqizë was built in 1990 and destroyed in February 1996.

Hands laid even on the olive trees There are 90,000 olive trees that have been cut down, pruned, eaten, uprooted, and so on. Some of them have even survived ... years without being damaged, because not even an occupier lays a hand on the olive tree. Vurgu is turning back into marshland The farmers know best and admit it more openly. For four years no one has worked the fields of Vurg, where now only sheep brought from elsewhere graze. The drainage channels have not been cleaned, and marshland has formed, with reeds growing, and so on. The irrigation pumps of Kstitmit have been completely destroyed. Luckily, there was a hardworking man at the main pumping station who saved it; otherwise the lake would have reached Çukë and people would be traveling around in boats. Nevertheless, the poultry farmers kill ducks. The seventh petition from Shënvasi The dispute between locals and newcomers over the division of land continues. The village of Shënvasi has sent its seventh petition to the prefect, the ministry, the government and the president. It has been signed by 165 families. Their concerns and democratic proposals await a democratic solution from the government bearing that name. The occupied coast While the land along the coast cannot be divided, in other coastal areas, in Limon and Ksamil, it is being occupied. An entire neighborhood in Sarandë has no residence permits. Its population has grown from 14,000 to 22,000 during the transition. In Ksamil, too, the new neighborhoods are acquiring their names. The neighborhood of Ksamil’s shacks is called “Blloku Uamarina.” Under anxiety Illegal occupation continues at a time when lawful land division and a new spirit in construction are gaining momentum. The mined remains of the beach have been piled up, they showed accusations of ... [partly illegible]. TIRAS DINS