Prof. LUAN OMARI The presentation and publication of the draft constitution prepared by 6 jurists, on behalf of the PSD and 5 opposition parties, has been accompanied by various comments. In the absence of a constitutional draft submitted by the parliamentary majority, this document has been received with understandable interest. But alongside the positive assessment of the fact that the country now has a concrete text in hand for discussion, an impartial evaluation of this draft requires that both its positive aspects and its limitations be examined. First of all, it must be acknowledged that this draft represents a serious effort to include a range of fundamental principles of the democratic state and the market economy. It is based on the separation of powers, political pluralism, the protection of human freedoms and rights, and the affirmation of private property. These elements constitute an important foundation for building a modern constitutional order. However, there are also numerous ambiguities and debatable solutions. In some articles, the relations between institutions are not defined with sufficient precision; in others, there is a tendency to grant the executive broad powers without adequate oversight mechanisms. Likewise, certain formulations seem overlapping or borrowed from foreign models without adaptation. A particular problem concerns the nature of the alternative: to what extent are we dealing with a complete draft, and to what extent with an open platform for political discussion? This matters not only for jurists but also for public opinion, which must know whether it is reviewing a final text or a working paper. Beyond these reservations, the debate over the draft has the merit of bringing the constitutional issue back to the center and encouraging the participation of political and social actors. Albania needs a stable constitution that is the product of consensus and not of unilateral imposition. For precisely that reason, every alternative draft deserves serious examination, but also reasoned criticism. (Continues on page 9)

Even Sadri[?], Vangjel Adhami, Sabri Godo, etc., have been drawn into a heated political polemic, in which the constitutional argument, institutional relations, and public responsibility have been placed at the center of attention. The debate is taking place among different political forces and aims to clarify positions on fundamental issues of state reform. In this climate, the use of labels and heated language serves neither the opposition nor the majority. Citizens need clarity, programs, and responsibility, not artificial tension. Experience in recent years has shown that extreme polarization weakens institutions and creates uncertainty. As a result, Albanian politics needs emancipatory voices, a culture of dialogue, and a new spirit of democratic compromise. This is the only way to avoid unnecessary crises and to give the country a more stable perspective. (Continues on page 9)

Will his option be overthrown, will he be dismissed as party chairman, or will he be expelled from the Party? - The lost constitution. Selami advertised his own conditions for his presence in the KP, but he is afraid to say them. At the height of the internal debate in the opposition, Selami has come under strong political pressure. His positions on the constitution, on relations with the leadership, and on his presence in the KP have become the target of numerous criticisms. According to his opponents, he is trying to impose a personal line, while others accuse him of moving forward without real support. The question is whether this clash will end with the defeat of his political option, his removal from the post of chairman, or his expulsion from the party. The issue is closely linked to his authority within the structures and to his ability to maintain a functioning majority. At the same time, the so-called debate over the “lost constitution” has created confusion and increased tension. Selami, according to the article, set out conditions for his presence in the KP, but did not explain them openly. This has fueled doubts and different interpretations. (Continues on page 9)

There is still a wholly unformed opinion about the municipal police, which was inaugurated for the year 1993. The way this service is being carried out in some cities has sparked debate and dissatisfaction, especially when a lack of professionalism and unclear standards of conduct are observed. The expansion of the powers of this formation without a complete legal framework risks creating clashes with the state police and other law-enforcement bodies. On the other hand, local government itself needs means and authority to deal with everyday urban problems. Some of the criticisms concern the way it is organized, staff recruitment, and internal checks. If these shortcomings are not addressed, the municipal police may be perceived more as a bureaucratic burden than as an efficient public service. (Continues on page 9)

All the troubles of poor Salani The district has been seized by the convulsions of the sideways maneuvers of several individuals. The chairman of the PDS ran as a candidate last week, but not in this year’s four-year term; in the end he stood as a candidate himself for the District Council. He who does not like himself does not win the public vote. The level of honesty, accountability, and oversight of actions has become harsher than ever. Democracy...

Letter from American Senator stënot-Christofor sent to Pulisar.