“Processed” in the parliamentary Commission on Mandates and Immunities, the walnut wood ended up yesterday morning on the tables of the Albanian parliament, with three votes in favour, two abstentions and two against, on the request to lift immunity from MPs and former ministers Ruli and Uka. After three months of lengthy debates and no concrete result, yesterday morning the request of Prosecutor General Dragoshi appeared on the parliament’s large electronic board, asking MPs to vote “for” or “against” lifting the immunity of the two MPs. First, the chair of this commission, Mr Abdiu, informed the MPs of the results of the vote held for this purpose, stressing that failure to obtain a majority on this request made a decision by parliament necessary. “I cannot explain any more about this issue to you,” he addressed the Democratic Party MPs, “since you have the files in front of you, and you are all finishing your courses and schools.” After questions asked without direction by several MPs, the floor went to the accused MP Ruli. Calmly, with a slight smile on his face, characteristic of him whenever he takes the podium in Parliament, he began his explanation by thanking the Commission on Mandates and Immunities for the calm it had shown in examining this matter. He then pointed to the insistence of Prosecutor General Dragoshi, who, according to Ruli, had brought into the investigative group economic mafiosi who had drained our state and state administration with the power of an octopus and were now struggling through the death throes of a state without an administration—or, worse still, with a state administration acting against the state as a concept and a practice. “Perhaps someone will ask: What do the Arsidi decorations have to do with the walnut wood?! There is a moral connection, gentlemen, and you should know that corruption is the state’s anti-morality. In Europe, these decorations are more accurately called ‘influence peddling’, which is just as harmful as any other kind of trafficking. “And if someone truly wants to fight corruption, they should begin by taking away the decoration that a swindler has pinned to the chest of our head of state. “He himself, the president, showed great courage and stripped the generals of the decorations they had received for the war against fascism, but... “He is afraid to reject the decoration that everyone points at;. “Although, in my opinion, the walnut-wood case is only a small stump in the great forest of corruption, I want to spend a little more time on it... “On 29 January 1993: the personal case began for everyone, for 3 April 1993:

Corruption—the DP’s cancer THE “RULI–UKA” CASE IS THE CASE OF THE DP AND BERISHA Parliament voted against lifting the immunity of former ministers Genc Ruli and Rexhep Uka “Investigations into the ‘walnut wood’ scandal will be blocked” Corruption—the morality of this state Speech by Mr NAMIK DOKLE, chairman of the Socialist Party parliamentary group, in Parliament I will try to support my conviction by presenting two chronicles: — The chronicle of the beginning. — The chronicle of the end. — It is known that the walnut-wood case was first taken up by one of the “unvarnished” Socialists, and, being as they were, “humiliated”, “mafiosi”, “little dictators”, “corrupt”, etc., etc., they blocked the walnut wood so it could be sent to the Elbasan Metallurgical Plant. — But after the DP’s victory on 22 March, some of them thought that democracy was a table laid only for them, so they could eat like Sali Protopapat while everyone else washed the dishes. And they prepared everything for this! — It began with Article 24/1, which dismissed some people who deserved to be dismissed, but also thousands of capable and honest specialists, to make way for “corruption in the state administration”. Here is one picture involving the walnut wood: 5 May 1992: President Berisha promulgates the law bringing Article 24/1 into force. End of May: The Socialist who had blocked the walnut wood, which he had confiscated for the benefit of the Albanian state, is dismissed. He is dismissed under Article ... of the Albanian state. He is dismissed under Article ... ... a large group of economic swindlers and 29 January 1993: the criminal case began concerning this. But on 3 April 1993: it was closed and dismissed, only to be reopened now. Why did this happen? Is there any new evidence from January 1993 to January 1995? Nothing new. But in January–April 1993 the prosecution must have received this message: ‘You’re going after me? Me, with three ministers from the Democratic Party?! You want to destroy democracy? Democracy is defended by putting Fatos Nano in prison!’ And the prosecution got busy with the ‘former-formers’, leaving the chickens in the manure. And since everyone failed in the Nano case, from Berisha to his ‘lawyer’ in the Arsidi case, Mr Bendo, they returned to haul the ‘walnut wood’ out of the sea. And it was precisely on 5 December 1994, a full month after the referendum on the Constitution, after which the rebellion began among the honest and farsighted MPs within the DP, who managed to stand up even to Berisha by denying confidence to his right- and left-hand man, Mr Zhulali: Why hadn’t they remembered earlier? Since 19 May 1994 Berisha has... He is afraid to reject that decoration which everyone points out at auction, while millions of dollars are stolen from the people;—when Zhulali still does not know where the 360,000 dollars sent to Bulgaria are; when the transport department sold the fleet’s ships as if they were scrap metal; when it is said that one million dollars was spent on reconstruction of the airport; when the construction factory in Elbasan, the tile factory in Tirana, the Frigoriferi in Tirana too, tourist hotels, the “Bashkimi” printing house, etc., etc., are sold for less than the price of a barbershop. I am not speaking figuratively: the “Bashkimi” printing house, for example, was sold for 50,000 dollars, while a barbershop in Tirana costs 96,000 dollars! Where did all these mafiosi come from, who are suffocating the state and its people?! What I have said is very little. DP MPs know much more than I do. Those who have benefited know, but even more is known by those DP MPs who, despite the misfortune of having to defend a new government and a government corrupt through and through, have managed to preserve their personal integrity... And now we are talking about 8,000 dollars and ministers. Where are the millions?! For God’s sake, President, do not make a mockery of Albania! When the trial of the “Arsidi” case is reopened, hand back his decoration. Let his licences be revoked, let those who know the truth speak, and let us begin building an uncorrupted democracy. to call me «rente» in the face, his characteristic manner whenever he appears at the Parliament podium, and he began his explanation by thanking the mandates and immunities committee He then highlighted had even included one of his cousins, also surnamed Dragoshi, in the investigative group. Considering the evidence presented by the prosecution, he dismissed it, stressing that the order signed by him and his two former colleagues, Uka and Hoxha, had violated no law or regulation. In his explanation, he also rejected the claim that walnut veneer could be produced here, stressing that in such a case its cost would be three times higher, and that large quantities remained uncollected in the warehouses of the wood-processing combine. Overall, he called the case fabricated and Dragoshi himself a lawbreaker, stressing that he himself had signed the authorization for Hajdin Sejdisë to leave the country. Concluding his speech, he addressed the members of parliament, calling for the appropriate punishment and stressing that his willingness to face justice was no less...

SHKODËR The trial of Gjovalin Bari, one of those mentioned in connection with the events of 14 January last year in this city, began yesterday at 9:45 in the district court. One tragic episode in those events was the killing of Gjovalin Çekini, an activist of the Democratic Alliance Party, just after he had left a meeting held at the “Migjeni” theatre with MPs from that party. The presiding judge, Mr Fuat Vjerdha, said that the defendant was charged with assisting Selami Çela after the crime had been committed. The judge made it clear that this hearing did not concern the full trial of the Çekini case. The defendant, Gjovalin Bari, denied the charge, saying that he had not known the police were looking for him. He explained that they had seen Selami Çela covered in blood and told him to go to the clinic. The prosecutor reminded him that during the investigation he had testified that he had helped Selami get into the car. But the defendant Bari replied that he did not remember this clearly. They then moved on to questioning the witnesses. Of the 48 witnesses questioned during the investigation and summoned to court, only 9 appeared, which reinforces the view that fear of appearing as a witness is becoming a common phenomenon. Given the importance of this case and readers’ interest, we are publishing brief accounts of some of the witnesses’ statements. Zef Gjoni stated that they had not been supporters of the DP. “The organizers of that meeting spoke with me,” he said, “but I told them I don’t interfere with anyone’s meetings. I went to that meeting, but later left to attend a funeral. I know Gjovalin Bari. He should be convicted if his guilt is proved by witnesses; otherwise he should be released, because even in Enver Hoxha’s time a person was not kept in a cell for a year and a half without being convicted,” Zefi asked the court. Zefi pointed out that Gjovalin Bari was one of those who, when all of us were afraid of the former system, used to curse it. “I am not controlled by anyone,” the witness concluded, “and MP Periklli Teta did not even mention my name in Parliament. He is not at fault; they gave him my name, there are others with the same name in Shkodër.” Kolec Ashiku, meanwhile, emphasized that the car in question had been called because it belonged to the chairman of the district council, and he had gone in that car, which happened to be there, to look for two friends. However, they tried to give this car a different trail. He said of Selami Çela: “I saw him running, and he was holding one hand behind him, as if he were hiding something.” Besnik Lekiqi recalled that Gjovalin Bari had been with them at the tourist hotel when shots were heard. When the judge intervened to clarify this point, he replied that the gunshots had not made an impression on him because they had become commonplace. The commander of Shkodër’s rapid-response unit, Mr Izz Vushati, stated that on that day no members of this unit had been at the theatre, as someone had previously claimed; they had been kept on standby at the unit. For the court and the prosecutor, the case was complicated by several witnesses. Ndoc Liqueza and Gjergj Zefi Lajeta said: “I want to speak about the whole event and have the court draw the necessary conclusions.” But the court asked him to speak only about the charge against Gjovalin Bari. Liqueza objected to this request several times, and Judge Vjerdha reminded him: “You are free to express yourself this way in the press; nobody is stopping you!” Liqueza, after asking a few ques- (Continued on page 3) under Article 24/1 for “reform-related reasons”. Beginning of June: A “loyalist” appointed by Minister R. Uka replaces him. Less than three weeks later, on 23 June 1992, he orders the unblocking of the confiscated property. But something is not going right. The wheel needs greasing. 10 July 1992 (two weeks after his appointment): the director asks three ministers for permission. In fact, not permission, but sends them a prepared document to sign. And these ministers, who take days, months and years over—finding jobs for people, assistance for the hungry, parliamentary interpellations, or dozens of other things—complete this unlawful document within three days. It is printed specifically in July 1992, when Mr Berisha has just been decorated by the Mafioso Arsidi... The decoration, as big as a horseshoe, and the first champagne at the presidency in honour of the man who stole 1.6 million dollars from Albania together with some Albanians, was the safest pass for a “corrupt” path through state administration. Here is a picture involving the chestnut wood... Although, in my opinion, the walnut-wood case is just uncorrupted democracy.

For more than a week, around 60 employees of a department of the former NPV in Korçë, now owned by a group of businesspeople, have stopped work and gone on strike. The reason that forced them to take this decision is the owners’ failure to pay wages on time, as well as the low level of the wages.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Karolos Papulias, immediately after his meeting in Albania, made the following statement in response to questions from journalists at a television station: Journalist: Mr Minister, can we describe your visit to Albania as successful? Mr Papulias: I believe that is the right description. It is a successful visit, after a very difficult crisis. The atmosphere is very good. And the prospects are very good. We have decided that the Commission that will follow Greek-Albanian relations should meet very soon, with the possibility of setting up subcommissions for issues of mutual interest. I believe work will begin within the next 10–15 days. Journalist: Do you believe that the tension in relations between the two countries has ended? Mr Papulias: I am sure of that. Nevertheless, caution is also needed. The results of this effort will prevent any kind of new tension.

NO COMMENT The former chairman of the DP, Eduart Selami, was not allowed to take part in a meeting of the party on Wednesday afternoon. The DP’s Secretary General told the BBC on Thursday that Selami, who had been chairman, was not a member of the Presidium under the party statute, because he had been elected by the conference, whereas the Presidium is elected by the National Council. In this way, it is the National Council that will decide on electing him as a member of the Presidium. This is a decision by the Statute group, chaired by Deputy Chairman Dosti. “This is a failure of internal democracy in the DP,” Shehu said. Selami, for his part, declared that this was a “serious violation of the statute. The person behind these actions is Berisha and Selami.” He expressed optimism and said that these undemocratic actions would soon come to an end and that the DP would find itself again within its own ranks. Other sources of information report that Selami will soon be dismissed (democratically) from his position as chairman of the Albanian Parliament’s Commission at the Council of Europe, and from his position as chairman of the Albanian Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee. He was not allowed to take part in the meeting with Council of Europe representatives in London concerning Albania’s admission to this Council. Likewise, he has not been included in a delegation of the Albanian Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee for an international event in the coming days. THE OBSERVER.

The number of people in the district of Lezhë who were ordered to pay fines of 5,000 new lek each has reached 46. Among those subjected to this penalty are also 6 commune heads, employees of the cadastre, surveyors, etc., while it is said that a proposal has been made to initiate criminal proceedings against the heads of the two communes, Ballkë and Shënkoll, as well as the village headman of Torrovçë. These measures are being taken because they are alleged not to have properly completed and submitted the documents proving the allocation of the land.

The Korçë resident Gjergji Thimjo has announced that he keeps in his home, as his own property, a remarkable collection of medieval icons. His collection consists of around 20 outstanding works of art in the field of iconography, by Albanian as well as foreign artists. Many connoisseurs of this culture have been astonished by their artistic value. Their owner believes he could open an exhibition with them and is therefore seeking financial assistance from state organizations. This would be beneficial and, at the same time, deserved, for the exhibition and preservation of these valuable works.

There are 100 families in a neighborhood of the village of Fushë-Kuqja, in the district of Kurbin, who live without drinking water. Although one part of Fushë-Kuqja is supplied, the other part, Rrogozhina, is not; for the residents of this neighborhood, the authorities «have not been able to secure 1,000 meters of pipes, which would finally solve this very troubling problem for around 600 residents.

A week has passed with the ship «Arbëria», loaded with 16,450 tons of reinforcing steel, remaining immobilized at the port quay. The reason for the stoppage of this cargo, which should have been in Malaysia long ago, is a protest by the 44-member crew against the drastic restriction of the fleet and the failure to address their demands, which concern a pay rise, improvements to technical conditions, better accommodation for the workers, etc.

Figures from Gjirokastra THE SOCIALIST PARTY IS GROWING STRONGER In Bodrishtë On March 8, PS sympathizers expressed their support for membership; several ... from Bodrishtë and Upper Dropull were invited ... in ... Llodzi, Thoma Garo and Risto ... for unity around the Party of ... . With the club of ... and the party centers, most of the 50 ... This plan was app... In the end, 17 people remained, establishing the PS organization, together with its chair and two branch officers. 16 people were accepted as members. One is a socialist from 1991. THANAS DINO.

Letter to the editor Justice is not upholding the law — Following the article «We asked for justice, they gave us the whip» — Last November we also wrote to «Zëri i popullit», where we made public a concern of ours as longtime employees of the marmalade factory in Elbasan. Alongside the disregard for our rights as workers, we ourselves built the factory during 1973–75; we also pointed out the ... . To protect and make a certain group of people owners of a straw, the «policeman’s» whip fell upon our backs. Rrapi Shtërmbari. The «guardians of order», under the direction of policeman Zhanel Kulla, came to our factory on October 10, ’94 and, with the passions of privatizing this enter- (Continued on page 2)