It rejects the pre-election social pact With distorted political logic and the language of illiterates, the DP once again attacked the Socialist Party and the political opposition as a whole through its latest statement, using the megaphones of its radio and television service and newspaper. It must be said that, in the deep crisis it is experiencing, the leadership of the DP and of the present government has no other weapon of political struggle left in its arsenal except hallucinatory statements containing unprecedented attacks and accusations against the opposition. Faced with a lack of political courage to acknowledge its failures and a real inability to correct them in the time it has left, the DP is trying to find culprits and blame outside itself, hoping in this way to avoid responsibility before the people. The main conclusion to be drawn from the DP’s latest statement is that this party, in the final throes of losing power, will continue to pursue a policy of confrontation with the political opposition in general and with the Socialist Party, as the main opposition party, in particular. The concrete positions it has once again affirmed in this statement stem from this constant feature of the DP’s policy, which has persisted from the day it came to power to the present. The DP’s latest statement is permeated from beginning to end by a spirit of accusations and indictments against the socialist opposition and its leaders. This spirit, characteristic only of prosecutors’ closing arguments and not of political party documents, compromises the DP as a totalitarian political force seeking to impose itself on the rule of law and the country’s democratic institutions. The statement’s vocabulary, filled with words such as “crime,” “criminal,” “massacre,” “points,” “murderer,” “robbery,” “embezzlement,” “abuse,” and so on, shows that the present DP leadership has no political arguments left in its confrontation with the opposition. The DP leadership’s latest attacks on Socialist Party chairman Fatos Nano and other party leaders are another desperate attempt to evade the political and legal responsibility arising from Fatos Nano’s political imprisonment. Faced with growing domestic and international public pressure for his release, the DP leaders can find no other solution than inventing further imaginary accusations such as “the 1991 massacre,” “the events in Shkodër,” and so on. Having no new vision for the country’s present and future, the DP lives with the ghosts of the past and seeks to reactivate them in order to achieve its political aims. In this desperate adventure, in its efforts to preserve power by any means, with the police state at its disposal and the phalanxes of trainees it has recently placed in the justice system, it may undertake repressive actions against the opposition in general and the Socialist Party in particular. These actions, as has happened so far, will boomerang on the DP and its leadership. Nevertheless, the latest statement by this party’s leadership calls on the opposition to remain vigilant and act prudently in political terms. What discredited the DP leadership more than anything else in its latest statement was its refusal to establish the pre-election social pact proposed by the Socialist Party. In every democratic country in the world, such pre-election pacts are commonplace and necessary to create a favorable climate for free and democratic elections. They demonstrate the degree of emancipation and democracy in each country. In a climate of social peace, it is the people who decide calmly which political forces will govern the country. By rejecting the opposition’s call for a pre-election social pact, the DP leadership demonstrates that it is not interested in ensuring that the coming elections are free and democratic. The leadership is thus preparing an atmosphere of psychological and physical terror that will dominate the coming election campaign. Its claim that “the safest social pact is respect for the law” does nothing but expose the preparations the DP is making in this field. Everyone knows how the law has been enforced since the day the DP came to power. Everyone knows how the local elections in the communes were conducted, what terror was used in some parts of the country during the referendum campaign, and so on. This, too, is an argument for vigilance and effective measures by the opposition to guarantee the people normal conditions in which to express their free will in the coming elections. The DP leadership’s rejection of the proposal for a pre-election social pact shows that, in practice, the country is left without a president. In tense pre-election situations, it is the president of the country who rises above the parties and calls on them to reach political agreements for free and democratic elections. But our country’s president is, in practice, the chairman of the Democratic Party. It is precisely he who inspires and formulates statements of this kind against the opposition, fueling political and social confrontations. The DP leadership’s latest statement shows the despair that has gripped this party’s camp as the mandate given to it by the people comes to an end. This is the despair of losing power experienced by a party with a totalitarian mentality that betrayed the people’s trust. It recalls statements made by the DP leadership on the eve of the referendum campaign. As such, these statements and their authors will meet the same fate as they did in the referendum.

On 27 and 28 April 1995, Mr. Hans Van Den BROEK, Member of the European Commission responsible for the European Union’s relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, Mongolia, Turkey, Malta and other countries, will pay an official visit to Albania. He is also responsible for the common foreign and security policy, human rights and external diplomatic missions. During this visit, Mr. Van Den BROEK will meet the country’s highest political and state officials and President Berisha, as well as representatives of the main political parties, and will also hold a press conference. *** Foreign Minister in the three Lubbers governments; 1993–95 Member of the Commission of the European Community, responsible for Political External Relations; 1995 Member of the European Commission. Appointed responsible for External former Soviet Union, Mongolia, Turkey, Malta and other countries. (in agreement with the President) and external diplomatic missions. Mr. Van Den BROEK is married and has two daughters. (According to a statement from the delegation of the European Commission in Tirana.) Hans Van Den BROEK was born on 11 December 1936 in Paris. He attended Alberding Thym Lyceum in Hilversum, after which he studied law at the University of Utrecht. He took a postgraduate management course at “De Baak” in Noordwijk. In 1965–1968 he practised as a lawyer in Rotterdam. Then, in 1969–1973, he was Secretary of the Board of Directors at the private company ENKA BV, Arnhem. In 1973–76, head of the Municipal Council in Rheden; 1976–81, Member of the Chamber of Representatives in Parliament; 1978–81, Executive Member of the Catholic Party; 1981–82, State Secretary for Foreign Relations in the second and third Van Agt governments. 1982–89, Minister of

From the presidential campaign in France The two candidates for the office of President of France—the socialist Lionel Zhospen and the conservative Zhak Shirak—are using the 10 days remaining in the slogan-filled campaign to increase their electorate. Commentators are following the socialist Zhospen’s campaign closely. Now buoyed by his first-round victory, he has completely changed the mechanics of his campaign and is succeeding. According to them, party leaders had previously doubted that he could win the votes needed to proceed to the second round. Although the public had regarded him as a different kind of politician, opinion-poll results had allowed his rival Shirak to eclipse him. But now his aides say that Zhospen is confident he can repeat President Miteran’s success. At a meeting held in Carcassonne on Tuesday evening with winegrowers and wine producers, he had to pass through a sea of red flags and red banners, symbols of the Socialist Party. Campaign commentators now say that Zhospen no longer looks like a professor, but like a bold candidate with a new strategy that could bring him victory. His new slogans, based on the confidence he enjoys as an honest politician, are: “A President for real change. A cleaner France.” “With Zhospen, things are clear.” In his speech in this town, he attacked Shirak and the center-right in general for their harsh social policy and their recent turn in search of votes, saying: “He adopted organization and …, conservatism into the most reactionary possible form, and after that they took a social turn in the campaign,” Zhospen stressed. Speaking to farmers, he congratulated them as pioneers of progress and denounced low-priced agricultural imports from other countries.

The “Vrioni” scandal is a financial scandal Setting aside the excuses and sophistry, it has now emerged that the principal managers—even the central leadership—of the Albanian National Bank were also members of the Assembly of the Italo-Albanian joint-stock bank based in Tirana. This bank was established three years ago with initial capital from Banca di Roma and the Albanian National Bank; following the restructuring of our banking system, the latter was replaced by the Albanian National Commercial Bank. If the law on the Bank of Albania does not allow a member of the governing council of the Albanian National Bank to be an employee, director or shareholder in a bank or financial institution other than the Bank of Albania, this is all the more understandable when it concerns the president of Albania. The Italo-Albanian Bank, then, is clearly a joint-stock bank distinct from the Bank of Albania. Although these management positions are legally separate, this did not prevent Mr. Vrioni from being both governor of the Albanian National Bank and president of the Italo-Albanian Bank. Nor did it prevent Vrioni’s deputy in the post of governor, the current governor of the Bank of Albania, Mr. Llukuni, or Deputy Governor Mr. Fullani from holding membership in the Governing Assembly of the Italo-Albanian Bank alongside their state positions. Let us point out that being president of the Italo-Albanian Bank, or a member of its Assembly, cannot be merely a formal matter; it is extremely important, since without such a role the bank in question would not be able to confirm even its financial activity, without going into other details that are not so important. Indeed, Mr. Vrioni held the post of president of the Italo-Albanian Bank even when he rose to an even higher state office, that of Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance. He has tried to deny this, thereby violating another law—specifically, the one prohibiting a member of the Council of Ministers from holding any other state or professional function or from participating in the governing bodies of economic and commercial organizations, with the exception of a parliamentary mandate. Perhaps Mr. Vrioni’s involvement in the not entirely mysterious world of finance was more the result of political pressure or orders from above than of point 6 of the law on income from the Albanian-Albanian Bank’s revenues, dated 24. 5.1993, signed on the Albanian side by Ardian Xhyheri, which states that “the president shall be appointed by the Albanian National Commercial Bank, in agreement with the Bank of Albania, and shall be a prominent Albanian figure with exceptional qualifications, reputation and authority.” If, during these years of transition, our banking system has been the target of criticism both from domestic experts and from dissatisfied clients, despite its restructuring, this is also because the leaders of the Albanian National Bank have been unable to keep two … under one arm. At present, the state banking system, at all three of its levels, is experiencing a crisis of seriousness, reputation, stagnation and credibility, and is unable to meet the requirements of a market economy. It cannot be ruled out that this is part of a policy of bankruptcy, the consequences of which are now being experienced by economic enterprises. And in this whole picture, one cannot fail to notice the partnership between the senior bankers of the Albanian National Bank and those of the Italo-Albanian Bank, a joint-stock bank. And! banks play a key role… (Continued on page 2)

The woman who was shot dead before the afternoon was named Vitorë Demaj, according to information from the Shkodër police. In connection with the murder, police are now searching for Tonin Mici from the village of Shtoj. The killing followed a years-long conflict with the victim’s husband. It is reported that one of the family’s relatives, Gjon Marashin, was also wounded and is now in hospital. Correspondent of “Zëri i Popullit”

Reconstruction completed At last, the reconstruction of the Vlora theatre building has been completed. Soon, after two years of silence, the new theatre season will begin with two premieres by the theatre and the variety company. On Saturday, a ceremony will be held to reopen the artistic season with the variety show premiere «In the Frame», directed by Lutfar Veshi. Trade unionists without protection At the Shkodra court, 33 trials were held between the chairpersons of trade union councils and several directors of enterprises and institutions, because the latter had dismissed the chairpersons from their jobs in violation of the law. All these cases went as far as the Court of Cassation. There they became final and were decided in favour of the trade union councils, but the directors refused to comply even with the cassation rulings ordering the trade unionists to be reinstated, with one difference now: they pay them their salaries without having them work (1). Unjustified price increase For weeks, meat has been sold to the citizens of Korçë only intermittently. The reason is its very high price, close to 300 lek (new). Well-informed sources say that all this increase is a result of livestock being taken clandestinely across the borders. In particular, they say, traders arriving from Macedonia are contributing to the rise in meat prices. They are allowed by the financial police, which lets these acts—affecting the rising cost of food items—take place right under its nose.

ITALY Dear Comrade D’Alema, On behalf of the Albanian Socialist Party, I send you my warmest congratulations on the excellent victory you achieved in the recent regional elections on 23 April 1995. It was an important victory for the Democratic Left and the forces that make up the Progressive Pole. This result opens up positive prospects for another success in the forthcoming parliamentary elections. We hope that cooperation and exchanges between our two parties will develop further in the future. Warm regards, Prof. SËRVET PËLLUMBI, Deputy Chairman of the Socialist Party of Albania. Tirana, 26. 4. 1995.

For 1995, the JURY OF THE ANNUAL INTERNATIONAL LITERARY PRIZE “KADARE” and the Annual International Literary Prize “VELLJA” has been announced—prizes established and awarded by the “VELLJA” Cultural Foundation. 1. Aliu 2. Ali Përdimja 3. Bashkim Kçyky 4. Bardhyl Londo 5. Betim Muço 6. Jusuf Vrioni 7. Lazër Stani 8. Mira Mekli 9. Rexhep Qosja 10. Robert Shvarc 11. Shaban Demiraj 12. Teodor Laco 13. Trim Gjatja 14. Vath Koreshi 15. Ylljet Aliçkaj For the “Vellja” International Literary Prize competition, publishing houses are invited to submit to the “Vellja” Foundation an original literary work published during 1994, in 6 copies. The submission period is 15 April 1995–31 August 1995. “VELLJA” Foundation TIRANA – ALBANIA.

: The Socialist Party Committee of Durrës informs its members and supporters that a Grand Meeting will be held on Friday, 28 April 1995, at 17:00 at the Sports Palace. Members of parliament from the Socialist Party will attend the meeting. Socialist Party-Durrës