The “originality” of Albania’s transition will seem complete when we have answered these questions: - Who burned Albania? - Who is stealing the national wealth? By NDRIÇIM KULLA, MP In this country, even today on the eve of the parliamentary elections, one hears calls against communism. Something like this is entirely normal and acceptable if these calls are made against an ideology that destroyed the national culture to the point of annihilation and caused suffering and economic misery for our people. Viewed from this angle, anti-communism or, more precisely, anti-totalitarianism is and will remain an indicator of our civic and democratic belonging. In fact, however, that is not where the problem lies. What is a serious concern for Albania’s present situation is that anti-communism is being used by a political force to mask a governing practice and a political culture that have very little to do with democracy. That is why today’s official anti-communism increasingly sounds like phraseology, like outdated rhetoric, which does not serve to build the future but to cover up the present. If someone wanted to judge without prejudice the nature of the political system being built in Albania after 1992, they would have to look not only at public statements but especially at the way power is exercised, how the opposition is treated, how public assets are managed, and how citizens’ rights are respected. It is precisely in these areas that, beyond the anti-communist labels, one sees phenomena that strongly resemble neo-communism: concentration of power, control over information, political use of the administration, punishment of dissent, and a continuing contempt for real pluralism. Albania’s transition has thus produced a bitter paradox: in the name of fighting communism, forms of political behavior are being reintroduced that are inspired by it itself. Anyone observing Albanian public life cannot fail to notice that a good part of today’s ruling elite has adopted not the culture of the rule of law, but the culture of command and blind obedience. Debate is replaced by orders, argument by slander, the opponent by the enemy, and the institution by personal will. And this is a feature that belongs not to liberal democracy, but to the darkest authoritarian traditions. If we add to this the way national wealth is being distributed, how groups closely linked to power are benefiting, how public responsibility is fading, and how the gap between official propaganda and social reality is widening, then the picture becomes even clearer. The “originality” of Albania’s transition will be fully visible only when we are able to give honest answers to a few basic questions: Who burned Albania? Who is stealing the national wealth? Without answering these questions, any claim to democracy will remain incomplete and every anti-communist call will sound like a thin cover over a bleak reality. Only a society that has the courage to look at itself in the mirror can build trustworthy institutions. Albania needs real political freedom, an honest market economy, the rule of law, and a democratic culture. It cannot move forward with manufactured fears, with a mythical enemy, and with uncontrolled power. Therefore, denouncing the neo-communism hidden behind anti-communist phraseology is not a polemical exercise, but a civic duty.

In parliament: The truth about Albania’s breach of the embargo is being hidden Official secret not expressed by anything else - The matter is closed, because we do not want to hide anything and we requested the publication of this report. On the contrary, if the deputies wish, we can publish the full report. However, this is not done because of official secrecy. As far as the embargo with the former Yugoslavia is concerned, Albania clearly aligned itself with the UN decisions. Nevertheless, during its practical implementation there have been many contradictions, discrepancies and public accusations. It was precisely for this reason that the relevant commission was set up, which investigated the reported cases and presented its conclusions. What worries the opposition is that the report is not being made known to the public. If there is nothing to hide, then why this hesitation? Why is information treated as the property of a narrow circle? The problem is not only legal, but deeply political and moral. When a democratic state places limits on transparency, it has the duty to justify them clearly. Otherwise, a reasonable suspicion arises that concrete responsibilities, names, interests and profit schemes are hidden behind the secrecy. Albania cannot seek international trust while at the same time keeping the truth about the implementation of the embargo closed. Any possible violation of it damages not only the country’s prestige, but also the very standard of the rule of law.

Many have asked this question over the past few years, especially as the country moved from one crisis to another, from poverty to institutional ruin and from hope to disappointment. To ask who burned Albania is not merely a rhetorical figure; it is a demand for accountability. Enterprises were burned, the economy was ruined, the administration was dismantled, and a climate of political hostility was encouraged that has cost our society dearly. Those who today speak loudest against the past must also explain their role in the destruction of the present. It is not enough to declare oneself anti-communist; one must prove oneself democratic in behavior, in institutions, and in the way one governs. And precisely here arises the equally serious second question: who is stealing the national wealth? Suspicious privatizations, clientelist favoritism, the lack of public oversight and the concentration of benefits in a few hands have created the impression that the country is being stripped of its assets under the guise of reform. Albania needs justice and transparency, not slogans.

Instead of guaranteeing equal rules for political life, the authorities continue to use institutions to intimidate opponents. There are many cases in which the administration, law enforcement bodies or official propaganda outlets are put at the service of a single party. This behavior is not in keeping with democratic standards and creates a harmful climate for elections, public debate and citizens’ security. A political opponent must not be treated as an enemy. The state cannot be the property of the government. If democracy is reduced to a formal vote while the rights of the opposition are suppressed in practice, then the system itself risks losing its legitimacy.

Statement by the Albanian Helsinki Committee The right to education in one’s mother tongue is one of the fundamental human rights and cannot be challenged by any democratic government. Respect for this right is an important indicator of European standards and of good relations between the majority and minorities. The Albanian Helsinki Committee considers that issues related to education in the mother tongue should be handled calmly, without prejudice and in accordance with international conventions. Any attempt to politicize this right, to restrict it arbitrarily or to use it as a tool of pressure is unacceptable. Guaranteeing the right to education in one’s mother tongue strengthens democracy and social understanding.

According to reports from the Bulqizë area, workers have resumed the strike demanding unpaid wages, better working conditions and guarantees for the continuity of production activity. The situation is tense and requires immediate intervention from the responsible authorities. The strikers say that the promises made so far have not been kept and that without concrete solutions the protest will continue.

Festival: The Albanian beginning in retrospect Tirana — As part of cultural week, several events were held that brought back memories and sparked debates about the beginnings of Albanian cinema and theatre. The participants emphasized the need to preserve artistic memory and to reassess the contributions of different generations. The meeting was accompanied by lively discussions, appreciation for well-known figures of the stage, and critical views on the way cultural institutions are managing artistic heritage.

Yesterday, in the newspaper... 995, responding to an old obligation, the idea was born of a campaign for reconciling blood feuds and conflicts in different communities. The initiative aims to bring people closer together, restore trust and reduce the social wounds that continue to weigh on the country’s life. In this context, the newspaper “Zëri i Popullit” calls on all social actors, intellectuals, clerics and families to take part in a civic movement for peace and understanding.

SHKODËR

The movement of the troops is neither necessary nor urgent! A. ASHIKU