Yesterday, in one of the premises of the Socialist Party’s KD in Tirana, the Agriculture Commission met and held an extensive discussion on the draft law on the sale and purchase of land, approved by the Government, which will soon be submitted to Parliament for approval. The Commission members, among whom are some of the country’s finest specialists, raised a wide range of issues, most of which concerned the disadvantages created by the PD’s failure to implement the land distribution law and to take further steps to deepen agrarian reform. Unanimi[sht?], they expressed support for the proper implementation of the land sale-and-purchase law, while also highlighting a number of issues and difficulties, which will be set out[?] in a special document to be submitted to the party leadership and the Socialist parliamentary group.

Naturally, the publication of the poll results does not claim to create and defend the view that the Socialist Party will be the political force that wins the next elections and governs the country. They merely reinforce that view and add a scientific argument to this prediction. The statistics present an inverted picture of the March 1992 results, which brought the Democratic Party to power. The first turning point in the SP’s rising curve came only a short time after those elections, when the Albanian electorate voted in the local elections, giving victory to the Socialist candidates. Later, the electorate’s shift would take place “behind the scenes,” becoming fully apparent in the November 6 vote, when the proposed constitution put forward and defended by Berisha and the PD was rejected with a “No.” A full analysis of the results, despite the complexity of the issues, ultimately requires answering the question: what factors led to the PD’s loss of electoral support, and why has the SP registered a significant rise? The PD’s entry into the country’s political life as the first opposition party also determined its fate: like many other parties in the East, it was close to power and took it. Such shifts in the electorate during moments and periods of transition are understandable and normal. The feverish propaganda campaign, grandiose promises, political demonstrations—seen for the first time in Albania and sometimes accompanied by pressure and threats—together with people’s desire to change the way the country was governed, gave it the historic opportunity to come to power. But the first defections of voters from the PD soon followed; they were first manifested in the local elections, where, only a few months after the party came to power, the Socialist Party won a great deal. Later, during its rule, it began to compound its mistakes, continuously accompanied by the growing mass departure of the electorate that had brought it to power. People began to see and feel capitalism in its harshest form at their own expense. The extreme polarization that emerged in the first years of the market economy clearly exposed the essence of the PD’s economic program. These actions were then followed by privatization whose very basis was the appropriation of national wealth. The PD also paid a high price for the way it built its administrative apparatus: politically motivated dismissals removed many capable and dedicated specialists from positions of responsibility, replacing them with incompetents and, at times, with a contingent that became the core of corruption from the very first days. A large part of the March electorate, who genuinely aspire to a lawful and just life, would leave when open clan warfare and struggles for dominance among groups began to appear within the PD. First, the motionists broke away; they later grouped together in the PAD and, to be fair, took with them the cleanest and most well-rounded part of the Democratic Party. Later, groupings from the Legaliteti, Balli Kombëtar, the Association of the Persecuted, and others left the PD’s political spectrum, once again depriving it of a significant part of its electorate. The first voter defections from the PD were after it The campaign and demonstrations in Albania, sometimes accompanied by pressure and threats, together governed, had given noisy promises would very often turn into profound disappointments. The harsh political struggle it began to impose on the country’s life, its brutal stance toward the opposition and especially toward the Socialist Party, the application of “shock” reform in the economy, etc., gave rise to (Continued on page 2) [fragment] First, the motion supporters broke away and later gathered in PAD; and, to be truthful, they took with them the cleanest and most capable part of those within the Democratic Party. Later, the Legaliteti group, Balli Kombëtar, and the Association of the Persecuted left the PD spectrum; as they did so, they too deprived it of a considerable part of its electorate, culminating in the final blow dealt to the former PD chairman, Selami. These complex factors would not be complete,

— After the Berisha–Ruli–Meksi consensus, the fight against corruption stopped and Blerimi returned to base — — How long will the silence continue? State corruption was taking place in the hands of the State Audit Office—that is what the head of this office, Mr. Blerim Cela, declared in Parliament some time ago. He tried to break the chain of the frozen-eating[?] at the level of his position, Mr. Cela, but they dragged him into your thuggery, along with the facts. Let me remind you that the source of my courage and independence in dealing with anyone lies precisely in the fact that I escaped the nets of the black spiderweb in the past and the blue one in the present. Open the files.

The Democratic Party parliamentary group is not giving up its efforts to keep certain branches of the judiciary subjugated. Today in Parliament, deputies will be presented with a draft resolution which, at the request—request of this group, will seek to annul the decision electing Petrit Plloçi and Tefta Zaka as members of the Court of Cassation. According to the PD group’s report, neither judge meets the seniority requirement, since they do not have seven years’ experience in the justice system or as lecturers at the Faculty of Law. Calling these appointments incompatible with the requirements of the constitutional provisions, they are seeking to have the decisions annulled. The request submitted by this group is unsupported by law and is unjustified. When the People’s Assembly made the decision to appoi- (Continued on page 4)

It stopped, and Blerimi returned to base — State corruption takes place in the hands of the State Audit Office—that is what the head of this office, Mr. Blerim Çela, declared in Parliament some time ago. State corruption takes what the head of this office, Mr. Blerim Çela, declared in Parliament some time ago. Mr. Çela tried to break the chain of feeding at the level of his position, but they dragged him into the filthy waters of corruption until he drank and became a rogue. Mr. Brozi, meanwhile, declared that he wanted to hold all the high-ranking mafiosi accountable and that he could not fight the mafia in power alone; for a moment, he nearly found himself in a cell. Teta asked Parliament a year ago to establish a commission to examine cases of corruption, but received a negative answer. After the Berisha–Meksi–Ruli consensus, the fight against corruption stopped and Blerimi returned to base. Attention is being focused on corruption among local officials, proving that the PD has learned the art of people’s war well: the best defense is an attack. But, as it appears, this course of action so far is not helping the Socialist Party at all. So, Mr. Blerim, you would do well to bring out everything you have—and everything you do not have—about any Socialist Party leader in local government or in its leadership, without forgetting the information about me that you publish in RD. Although I have no intention of dealing with your thuggery, I will deal in the present. Open the files so that the truth can be clarified. As for your fabrications about me, remember that I am not worried at all, from any quarter. “A lie has short legs,” as the people say. It can live for only 40 days. The years lie ahead of us. They will prove the cleanness of our faces. The fact that you forget or neglect the “Teta” list and all the other accusations made in the Albanian press, on the one hand, and your own dismissal of the accusations of corruption against Nano and other Socialist leaders, has made and continues to make your attacks less and less credible. To remind public opinion once again what the State Audit Office has uncovered from the cases raised a year ago, we are republishing the Teta list once again, in the hope that the party’s Blerimi will appeal to his conscience, since he has responsibilities to fulfill. I would like to ask Mr. Çela just one question: where did you get the millions of lekë you invested in your house??

Germany’s No. 1 television channel, ARD, “aired” on Monday a special program on the embargo against truncated Yugoslavia, prepared in Albania by journalist Klaus Vaizman. It emphasizes that Albania has become a bridge for international crime and is breaking the embargo imposed by the United Nations on what remains of the former Yugoslavia, as Belgrade tries to supply the Bosnian Serbs with fuel, according to this program by German television ARD. The facts show, Vaizman continues, that Albania imports one and a half times more fuel than its practical consumption needs. In recent days alone, Albania has had quantities of 1,500 tons of kerosene on display, a fuel used for aircraft, at a time when Albania itself has no civil aviation. Not only kerosene, but also diesel, gasoline and other petroleum products are imported from other European Union member countries such as Italy and Greece. The representative of the European Union commission newly appointed to monitor the embargo, Mr. Ricard York, believes that the facts have established that these European countries, namely Greece and Italy, are Albania’s main suppliers, and that 40 percent of the quantity transported illegally to Serbia and Montenegro has been transported through Albania. According to the information, Vork continues, the transported goods first arrive at the port of (Continued on page 3) ON THE SAME DAY THAT MINISTER MUSARAJ DECLARES THAT THE SMUGGLING OF FUEL AND CLANDESTINE MIGRANTS HAS BEEN HALTED.

Sources in the Italian border police report that during the last two days, when the sea was rough, there had been no movement of refugees. But on Tuesday morning, approximately 160 clandestine refugees managed to land on the Italian coast. The first group of identified and apprehended Kurds numbered 22. Among them were women and children. Another group consisted of 13 people. They were all wet and in a difficult condition, because the motorboat had not put them ashore but had left them in the water to avoid capture by the border forces. It is reported that the police had also stopped at sea a motorboat carrying Kurdish refugees.

As part of the “investigations” to “uncover” the so-called 400-thousand-dollar scandal, the Tirana Prosecutor’s Office has so far brought criminal proceedings against six employees of our Company and the newspaper “Zëri i Popullit,” placing them in custody, under house arrest, or releasing them on bail. Following an analysis of the situation that has arisen, the Governing Council of the Economic Publishing Center “Progresi” declares to the public that: 1. The measures taken by the Tirana Prosecutor’s Office have no basis in law and are contrary to the Criminal Code. Incited and confused by the hysterical calls of the PD leader’s son-in-law and its publication, RD, and relying on false information from some “expert,” this body has begun prosecuting innocent people. According to the law on fundamental human rights and freedoms, “no one may be detained or arrested without sufficient evidence.” Contrary to this, Prosecutor A. Qeleshi has arrested and detained citizens on the basis of partial, inaccurate information, without seeking clarification, conducting confrontations, or having sufficient evidence—actions that carry vindictive motives. Some are accused of abusing state office despite being merely private individuals; others are accused of activities carried out during periods when they were not employed by this company, etc. Each of the accused, and the Governing Council as a whole, possesses complete information that refutes the prosecutor’s accusations. 2. The Economic Publishing Center “Progresi” is owned by the PSSH. Like those of other parties, it was established under its founding act, in accordance with the Law on “Political Parties” and the 1991 Law “On the Sanctioning and Protection of Private Property, Free Initiative, Independent Private Activity and Privatization.” It was registered as a legal entity by decision No. 6256 of the Tirana District Court, dated August 7, 1992, to operate in the fields of “publishing newspapers, magazines and books; importing and exporting various goods; transporting passengers within and outside the country; investing in tourism, agriculture, industry, etc.” By decision No. 3232, dated 31.3.1994, it was reregistered as a legal entity in the form of a limited liability company. Its activities have complied with its approved objectives and the license of Tax Office No. 3 in Tirana, and it has been subject to periodic inspections by the competent authorities. 3. From August 7, 1992, to March 31, 1994, the ZP newspaper editorial office was part of the structure of the Economic Publishing Center “Progresi” as a department with separate accounts. Former director P. Xhixha had legal powers and rights defined in the statute, as well as the signature registered with the Bank, to carry out transactions using both accounts within the company. The facsimiles published by RD on 16.5.1995 show that every transaction was carried out with proper documentation. The other comments made by this publication are vile propaganda, intended for those who swallow it. From April 1, 1994 onward, the Economic Publishing Center “Progresi” LLC and “Zëri i Popullit” have operated together as an independent legal entity. 4. As regards the matter of the 400 thousand dollars, detailed explanations were provided in the PSSH press statement published in the newspaper “Zëri i Popullit” on 1.4.1995, from which it is clear who has obstructed and is obstructing the purchase of the printing press in Canada. 5. The Governing Council protests these unlawful actions, which are determined to produce victims at any cost and without cause in a scandal fabricated by elements of the party-state; their strategic aim is to attack the SP, which has openly exposed the real and rampant corruption that has engulfed all structures of today’s PD-ist government. THE GOVERNING COUNCIL OF THE ECONOMIC PUBLISHING CENTER TIRANA, 16.5.1995 “PROGRESI” LLC

1. State Audit Service, supports corruption in Vlora, protects the company «Kodhima». 2. People's Assembly – Misuse of funds and per diems. 3. Albanian Democratic Party – Financed by the Greek government. 4. Albanian Socialist Party – Misuse of funds in Peshkopi. 5. Republican Party – Maritime company «Shpresa». 6. Company «Shqiponja» – Tanxher. 7. Company «Progresi» – The printing-house case. 8. National Bank of Albania – Payments for oil smuggling. 9. Ministry of Education – Accused of illegal adoptions for ’92–’94. 10. Ministry of Labour – Accused of illegal adoptions for ’92–’94. 11. Ministry of Health – Accused of illegal adoptions in the years ’92–’94. 12. Ministry of Public Order – Enables oil smuggling to Montenegro (the Muriqan case). 13. Ministry of Defence – The «Bulgaria-2» scandal (700,000 dollars) (arms trade), the ship «Velaluka». 14. Local government, Shkodër – Con- (Continued on page 2) 1. Pjetër Arbnori – Construction of a house in Shkodër, paying the old rates; misuse of state funds. 2. Aleksandër Meksi – Warehouses in Berat (privatization), refrigerator, participant in oil smuggling, acquisition of land in Golem, English food aid (the biscuits), arrangement to give two ferries to the Republican Party. 3. Eduard Selami – The September 1992 agreement with the Italian D. C.; misuse of state funds, acquisition of land without entitlement, «Shebeniku» Hotel in Librazhd. 4. Bashkim Kopliku – Heaters, oil smuggling, privatization. 5. Alfred Serreqi – Heaters. 6. Ali Spahia – Adoptions, medical aid, oil, misuse of state funds. 7. Safet Zhulali – 360 thousand dollars; theft of 10 thousand dollars from the bank, expenses for the house amounting to 2.6 million lekë. The Pitro Kuçi case, sale of weapons, giving money to the residents of Reci before the local elections, handing over a military facility to Tomor Golemi, cigarette smuggling (SOTIRIUS), sale of weapons to Israel at low prices. 8. Tritan Shehu – 2 million dollars’ worth of expired medicines, president of the «Shqiponja» company. 9. Ilir Manushi – Business dealings with Macedonian companies. 10. Genc Ruli – Arsidi, Cooper. 11. Ilir Hoti – Arsidi, purchase of a 30-ton vehicle. 12. Petritka Minga – 20 thousand dollars in bribes, privatizations in Korçë, the Evroil company, the Leskovik Baths. 13. Blerim Çela – Falsified witnesses, «Kruna» beer, the «Epida- (Continued on page 2)

OBSERVATION The corruption strategist Blerim Çela, having resolved the corruption problems that have choked his government and his party, has decided to take up women’s issues, an action that will undoubtedly not be viewed without jealousy by the chairwoman of the Democratic Women’s League, Flutura Hasko. In this context, perhaps one should view the event held the day before yesterday in the city of Ballsh: the meeting of the Democratic Women’s League of this district, attended by Mr. Blerim Çela. To provide the meeting and Mr. Blerim Çela himself with the best possible working conditions, the Court made its offices available. In addition, attendance at the meeting was arranged by ordering employees of the railway district—women—[?], without whom nothing would have happened. We remind Mr. Blerim Çela that before going to the women’s meeting in Ballsh, he would do better to deal with the existing corruption in the railway district and at the oil center in these same towns. Correspondent of «Zëri i Popullit»