FREEDOM FOR FATOS NANO Today the NANO case will be reopened once again at the Court of Appeal. This is the request by Fatos Nano’s defense to challenge the premature decision of the Tepelena Court, which ruled that Fatos Nano should remain in prison, although under the New Penal Code he should have been free long ago. The decision of the Tepelena Court and the facts reported by the press about this decision were further evidence of the open intervention of political power in the work of the judicial organs. It showed that the political authorities are not satisfied with two years of unprecedented efforts to politically eliminate a powerful political figure; they are not satisfied with the countless slanders and insults directed at Fatos Nano and his family. Political organizations and figures in Europe have also openly expressed their dissatisfaction with the decision of the Tepelena Court, issuing numerous calls and objections concerning the Albanian judicial system, especially matters relating to its independence. It is understood that neither the decision of the Tepelena Court nor today’s decision by the Court of Appeal directly concerns Fatos Nano’s guilt or innocence. During these two years in which the NANO case has proceeded, there has not been an Albanian who was not convinced of Fatos Nano’s innocence, who was not convinced that the NANO case is entirely political. Fatos Nano won this battle long ago, and the day when the independent Albanian courts will also rule judicially on Fatos Nano’s innocence is not far off. This will certainly happen, but what matters is that it happen as soon as possible. It is important that this case—this case has done no small harm—and, one hopes, to three million Albanians; this is so not merely because of a man like Fatos Nano, but above all because of the fate of all Albanians, who see their whole lives, their hopes, work, property and families as closely bound up with justice in Albania’s political order. The sooner the Albanian courts acknowledge what everyone already accepts—that Fatos Nano is innocent—the sooner people will be more at ease and more resilient, and the more they will trust the institutions and the state. The Nano case has long crossed Albania’s borders, becoming internationalized specifically in terms of the assessment of Albanian democracy. It must be said that the existence of this case has significantly harmed Albania’s image in the world. It is understood that Fatos Nano, who is serving an unjust sentence, is not to blame for this, but those who imprisoned him are. This case first of all cast mud on those who, in tragic moments in the life of the country, carried out an outstanding humanitarian aid operation, such as Italy’s assistance to Albania. In Albanian politics, it was not only Nano who responded, but also Italian figures, sincere friends of the Albanian people, who carried out a colossal undertaking—not to prop up a collapsing system, as was openly and covertly propagated, but to generously support a million Albanians who needed to believe in themselves and build Albanian democracy without falling into anarchy. We will not go into the claim about the transfer of dollars that supposedly never arrived in Albania because they had been stolen by Italian officials and businesspeople, with Nano’s help... This did not convince anyone at first, for the simple reason that aid not yet delivered remains the property of the Italian state, and it is for that state to comment on the regularity or irregularity of its institutions. The Italian justice system undertook such an act of verification, naturally without putting people in prison without being convinced of their guilt or innocence. Recently, following its investigations, it clearly stated that all the Italian aid given to Albania was in order, clearing of the accusations all the people who had also been accused in the decision of the Tirana Court. The Italian justice system’s decision to close the case has now finally removed even the thin legal veneer with which Fatos Nano’s sentence had been coated. Today it is up to the Court of Appeal to decide. Although this court will not rule on guilt or innocence, it must do what it is required to do under the law: remove the handcuffs from Fatos Nano. Everyone expects this today. Facsimile of the Rome court’s decision to dismiss the criminal case.

Yesterday, the Steering Committee of the Albanian Eurosocialist Forum, elected at the Second Congress, held its first meeting, at which it held elections for its governing bodies. At the end of the vote, the results for the FRESSH Steering Committee were as follows: 1. Ilir Meta — chair — economist, 26 years old. 2. Erion Braçe — deputy chair — journalist, 23 years old. 3. Blendi Marika — deputy chair — hydrotechnical engineer, 23 years old. 4. Monika Kryemadhi — Secretary-General — student of natural sciences, 21 years old. 5. Gjergj Koja — Secretary for International Relations — doctor, 23 years old. 6. Elteva Bisha — member — chemist, 22 years old. 7. Ardian Myrsyli — member — journalist, 26 years old. 8. Adi Shanku — member — electrical engineer, 23 years old. 9. Klemenjtina Sinani — member — journalist, 34 years old. 10. Eljana Xhixha — member — law student, 21 years old. 11. Aurel Duka — member — artist, 29 years old. 12. Bekim Murati — member — choreographer, 30 years old. 13. Artan Arapi — member — economist, 26 years old. 14. Gazmir Bizhga — member — engineer, 23 years old. 15. Alban Zusi — member — electrical engineer, 26 years old.

Continuing his many meetings with political forces in Albania, Prof. Mark Krasniqi, chairman of the Democratic Party of the Albanians of Kosovo, gave a press conference yesterday on the current state of political developments in all Albanian territories. First, he introduced the background of this party in Kosovo, the difficulties it is facing, the disagreements that have been resolved, the joint action of the parties there on the national level, and the specific circumstances in which they operate. The Kosovar academic then discussed the many meetings he has held in Albania in recent days. “We regard the political parties in Albania as a national movement,” he said, “regardless of their ideologies and party programs.” In this context, regarding his meetings with PS leaders, he said he was pleased that among them he felt as though he were among brothers, just as he did among any other Albanian party. Another aspect addressed by Prof. Mark Krasniqi in response to questions was interfaith relations. He cited the very meaningful example of the excellent relations between religious communities in Kosovo, where Albanians celebrate religious holidays together and respect one another. This Albanian spirit and cooperation has also been best put into practice in the—

Yesterday at the Tirana Court: Yesterday morning at the Tirana Court, before the panel of judges chaired by Mr. Gjonaj, six former hunger strikers from the Laknas hunger strike appeared as defendants. They are charged with holding public officials hostage. The courtroom was filled beyond capacity with villagers from Laknas, who found it hard to believe that the law had acted so quickly to punish the unfortunate hunger strikers, while the legal violations in the allocation of land in their village had been forgotten. All the defendants—Hamdi Topi, former head of the hunger strike, Sefiketa Keca, Ramiz Mejdan i, Hami di Troci, Xhemal Sina and Agim Topi—denied the charge, stressing that they had not intended to deprive Idriz Khumares, director of the Land Directorate at the Ministry of Agriculture, and Mestan Burrelit, the village headman, of their freedom. According to witness J. XH, the hunger strikers had not treated him badly. His answer after Mr. Gjonaj asked what had driven the hunger strikers to act was interesting: J. XH replied that their hardship and economic problems had driven them to it. After the testimony of the witnesses and two defendants, the hearing was adjourned and will resume on Monday at 11:30. After the hearing, the Laknas villagers present at the trial did not leave the court premises immediately. They still have no answer to the question: Why does the law act quickly for the state and forget the individual? Correspondent of “Zëri i popullit”

YESTERDAY IN PARLIAMENT NAMIK DOKLE: We demand that the Minister of Defense, Safet Zhulali, leave office because he has broken laws adopted by Parliament. SAFET ZHULALI: I am proud of the work I have done (!). AZEM HAJDARI: I admire the wisdom that has characterized Mr. Zhulali. The Socialist Group did not take part in the vote. The no-confidence motion against Defense Minister Safet Zhulali was finally placed on the Parliament’s agenda (after four months). It began with Deputy Azem Zyhëri presenting the reasons. Speaking during the vote on the draft Constitution, the deputy said, the Minister of Defense had broken the law by conducting party propaganda among the armed forces, with the aim of making army personnel vote in favor of the option chosen by the DP. Following Mr. Safet Zhulali’s example, propaganda was also conducted by many senior military officers and generals, who sought, through undemocratic forms and methods, to line up army personnel on the DP’s side. During this campaign, the Minister of Defense and his staff used state cars and helicopters to attend meetings and rallies organized by the DP, spending ... (Continued on page 2)

Yesterday Parliament conducted its business with high productivity. At the outset, it ratified the loan agreement with the World Bank for rural roads. The amount is more than 35 million dollars, which will be used primarily in the country’s most intensive areas. The deputies approved it because it was a loan offering economic benefits, in addition to the fact that it would create jobs for 12,000 people. Nevertheless, the deputies, weakened by the earlier defenses, the last word of Tartari consisted visibly of the technical aspects of the case. Calling the prosecutor... “ignorant in the field of accounting,” he described his own actions and those of Agron Saliu as entirely lawful. The defense of former Prime Minister Ahmeti was exceptional; according to the prosecution’s final submissions, he should serve 15 years in prison. Ahmeti called all the prosecution’s actions against him biased and a smokescreen to conceal the real causes of the “Arsidi” scandal. In his view, the actions of putting the former prime minister on assistance, leaving him without work, and immediately arresting him for two months had no other meaning. He called the prosecutors, for their actions, unlawful people who were unfit to administer Albanian justice. As expected, the defenses of Hoti and Xhyerit sought their acquittal at the expense of Saliu and Tartari. According to Hoti, the money is in the Arsidi mechanism: Arsidi, Simoni, Tartari, Saliu and someone else. This “someone else” has not yet been named by Hoti, leaving ample room for speculation and leading toward the statement by “Kor... (Continued on page 2)

The “Arsidi” marathon approaches the finish line — Hoti: The money is with Arsidi, Simoni, Tartari, Saliu and someone else After a two-hour delay due to the prosecutors’ absence, the “Arsidi” marathon resumed yesterday at 11:00 through a classic hearing—currently nearing its finish. In the order set by Chair Çeliku, all the lawyers began their defense together with their clients. From Sanxhaku through to the bank’s former deputy governor Xhyheri, the prosecution’s final submissions by Qeleshi and Gjokutaj were fiercely attacked for what the lawyers called serious procedural violations. According to the defense lawyers, the entire indictment was biased and had bypassed (or deliberately avoided) evidence that would significantly exonerate their clients. Sanxhaku did not hesitate to criticize the panel of judges for failing to summon Agim Bendo as a witness, and also called the trade commission illegal, asking the panel not to take the commission’s activity into account. Meanwhile, in a concise defense, his client Agron Saliu denied the charge, reiterating at the end that he had not received money from the discounting of bills of exchange. After giving her client’s autobiography, Tartari’s lawyer stressed that the panel’s refusal to change Tartari’s detention measure was unjustifiable given his serious health condition. With only very minor changes from his earlier defense, Tartari’s final statement focused visibly on by “Kor...” (Continued on page 2)

- The Party uncovers a «hostile group» - All lecturers dismissed from their jobs. These must not be allowed to infiltrate... (text in the cropped section/low legibility) The first act of the political inquisition, with a vote of 24–1 against eight lecturers at the Faculty of Economics of the University of Tirana, concluded on Wednesday. Deputies Milo and Lakerori were included in this group and denounced this action in parliament. The lists of purges and dismissals were made public by the faculty personnel-office employee. None of the deanship or rectorate officials was able to appear before the lecturers to inform them of the job dismissals and the removal of four department heads; perhaps a special meeting had been planned for this purpose at 12 o’clock. Obscurantist and mafioso actions were not ... (Continued on page 3)