Through the labyrinths of presidential secrets: After sending away the children and some of the guards, he was getting ready to flee himself. Everything changed after the Government of National Reconciliation was formed. Everyone was against him, even those closest to him. Even the majority of the Democratic Party was against him; its honest members have nothing to do with incest, degeneration and the devastation across Albania. And the most expedient solution to escape popular anger: a shameful departure. Thus, the Communist President who replaced Ramiz Alia after his resignation five years ago, following his “complete” failure, has decided to abandon his homeland, leaving destruction and flames everywhere behind him. And the operation began in the greatest secrecy, starting with the families. The route was carefully planned, the ship was chosen, and the people who would escort Sali Berisha’s children across the Adriatic were selected. But what about him? He watched all the enemy’s movements with concern, while he himself was pondering where to flee. Although at first he had not shared this view, he was eventually persuaded by the persistent urging of his close friends. “At least leave and save your life,” they advised him, adding the argument that “the revolt is sweeping across the whole country. People are very angry, and in their anger anything could happen. So leave...” Berisha was also told to leave by the representative of a friendly country, and by a European figure who came to Albania. But the presidential response was despairing: he could not, in any case, accept being humiliated in this way. Yet just a few hours later he changed his mind. It was March 9, 1997. That afternoon, meetings with representatives of the political parties were to be held, where he would finally accept defeat, swallowing his statements from the previous day that “I will never form a coalition with the Socialists.” And so he would leave. The pride of an abandoned heart was overcoming everything: he would leave—the man who had begged to be enthroned as a savior, but was leaving as a destroyer. However, as is now known, the agreement between the 10 political parties and the formation of the Government of National Reconciliation halted, to some extent, the total destruction. They brought a degree of security and calm among the people, and precisely in this climate (according to his secret plan, documented by close associates and disclosed to them on the afternoon of March 12), Berisha postponed his departure, but this time without setting a date. While the political parties were anxiously trying to bring the situation under control and avert the confrontation and civil war that were so close, Berisha was racking his brains over how to save himself, using the March 9 agreement—which he trumpeted as his own choice, despite having no credit for it—as his lifeline.

Editorial Only the last chances remain to approve the law for the upcoming parliamentary elections. This became clear yesterday, when Prime Minister Fino played the government-crisis card for the first time, should parliament fail to approve the draft prepared by his government. Four meetings between the prime minister and the ten parties to reach consensus on the electoral law have so far yielded no results. Nothing came of the meeting between the two “big” parties, PD and PS, either. Work on the election law has come to a standstill. Meanwhile, only the PD is obstructing the electoral law. This is now clear to everyone, and the government does not hesitate to point the finger at the PD as the obstacle to consensus. With its delaying positions, it has significantly raised the political temperature in the country and abroad over this issue. But Mr. Fino appears unwilling to let his government’s prestige be toyed with any longer. He has decided to make use of the last chances to set the country on the path to elections. There are three such chances that could lead the country to elections and, consequently, put an end to the crisis in the country. A roundtable of the ten political parties participating in the government, planned by Fino for Saturday, will be the government’s final effort, with the aim of having Albanians themselves resolve the issue of the election law. This is an opportunity to show once again [Continued on page 5]

A drawing of a person with a weapon.

A black-and-white photo of a woman with a child, in front of a door.

His Excellency Mr. Antoni Bleir Chairman of the Labour Party London — I am pleased, on behalf of the Party and in my own personal capacity, to convey to you and, through you, to the Labour Party, my most sincere congratulations and delight at the expected, historic-scale victory of the Labour Party in the May 1 elections, which also constitutes a true victory for all democratic left-wing forces in Europe and beyond. We take this opportunity to once again express our readiness to further strengthen the closest possible cooperative relations between our two sister parties, which, we are convinced, will find the goodwill and support of the Party and of you personally. Yours sincerely, Fatos Nano, Chairman of the Socialist Party of Albania. Tirana, May 2, 1997

The great victory The Labour Party’s great victory Under Berit’s leadership, the Labour Party adopted a more contemporary image, replaced a large part of its old ideology, reformed its constitution and embraced many of the market reforms introduced by the Conservatives, especially under Margaret Theçer.

Neritan Ceka “Berisha’s party has both wings armed” Skënder Gjinushi “The people took up arms so that Berisha would not hold on to power by force of arms” Page 1

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