-President Berisha received Ambassador Arens- On Tuesday afternoon, the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, received Ambassador Arens for a meeting, during which they discussed the situation concerning the Balkans and the determined efforts of Albania and the Albanians to prevent conflict. The meeting focused in particular on the situation in Kosovo and the condition of Albanians in Macedonia. On Tuesday afternoon, the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, received Ambassador Arens for a meeting, during which they discussed the situation concerning the Balkans and the determined efforts of Albania and the Albanians to prevent conflict. The meeting focused in particular on Macedonia. The President praised Ambassador Arens’s efforts to restore the education system in the Albanian language in Kosovo, as well as the constructive position of Mr. Agani and other Albanian representatives in these talks. He insisted that resolving the Kosovo problem requires the deployment of NATO or UN troops, placing Kosovo under their control and declaring it a neutral province; the continuation of sanctions against Serbia should be conditional on its acceptance of a political solution for Kosovo. As for the Albanians in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the President expressed his and the Albanian government’s determination to increase cooperation with this republic. He also considers peace and stability in the region, and guaranteeing the independence of our eastern neighbor, to be essential. But, he stressed, he expects this republic—and it is in the interest of its stability—to guarantee Albanians all the human and national rights and freedoms to which they are entitled as the second-largest people in this republic. To this end, it is essential that the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia be constitutionally declared a state of free citizens, where the use of the Albanian language and education and information in this language are legally guaranteed, and where Albanians are included in all local and central state structures in the proportion due to them, in accordance with an accurate and transparent census that has been promised. Albania’s position on its membership in the CSCE depends on respect for the human and national rights and freedoms of Albanians in this republic. Taken as a whole, they have demonstrated through their policies that they support stability and peace in the region. Ambassador Arns briefed the President on all the efforts of the Geneva Conference on the former Yugoslavia and its objectives. (ATSH)

In a democratic state, one of the most important and vital concepts is that of a “constructive opposition.” At its core, this means the total commitment of all political forces to defending the fundamental values of democracy. This concept does not mean imposing “artificial love” between the sides, but simply reaching the consensus necessary for democracy to survive. It is well known that a democratic state is founded on free, multiparty elections. These elections give the winning side the right to govern for a legally specified period. Consequently, the other side, or some of its members, lose. However, unlike in totalitarian systems, in a democratic society the losing side is not subjected to repression; on the contrary, it enjoys the right to take an active part in the country’s political life. This is because democratic elections are not a struggle for existence, but interparty competition to serve the people as well as possible. The question arises: how have relations between the government and the opposition stood throughout Albanian history? For the first time, during the period of King Zog, a republican opposition began its activity, but this initiative could not become a tradition because it was interrupted by the war. After the country’s liberation, E. Hoxha also “pretended” to allow an opposition to exist, but before it had even drawn breath, he completely destroyed it. This was necessary for a totalitarian regime such as communism. …at the time, together with the PR and PSD (formed later as a result of specific circumstances). The PD, as the largest and best-organized opposition force, deserved credit for fighting with dignity and energy to open the battle against the aging PPSH. Although PD members had reason to use every means to avenge the anti-national, criminal and prostitutional policy of the PPSH, they chose the most honest, most advantageous and most democratic path: democratic evolution. The PD did not for a moment support the “anarchist movements” of irresponsible individuals, nor those staged by the former state security service. On the contrary, oriented toward democratic means, it moderated the government’s power on 31 March 1991 in order to win a year later. Thus the PPSH, by then transformed and disfigured into the PSU, was forced to move into opposition. But throughout this period its opposition would not constitute a useful political alternative; on the contrary, it would turn into an unrestrained drive for revenge, dictated by nostalgia for power. To uncover the PS’s objective, its composition must first be analyzed. As the heir to the PPSH, it absorbed the majority of Albanian communists, apart from the honest idealists who understood that their cause had ended, and the chameleons, who sooner or later would be eclipsed by Albanian politics. … the socialists overcame their fear of the shadow of guilt. This archaic camp consists of two generations closely linked to one another: ignorant fathers who led the way in crimes for 47 consecutive years, and some of their children, partly educated but powerless to denounce the past, because their “intellectual” careers had been conditioned by the half-century-long persecution of the rest of the population. This contingent of sinners has today sent the PS into an attack on fragile democracy. The PS is demanding new elections. But even if such a thing were to happen, the PD would win again, because the long-suffering Albanian has not forgotten its essence… republican, but this initiative could not take the form of the liberation of the country, E. Hoxha also “pretended” to allow the existence of an opposition, communism, which cannot coexist alongside an opposition. After 47 years of monopoly rule, the Albanian people insistently demanded political pluralism, and under these conditions the first opposition force, the Democratic Party, was born. As time passed, The composition of the PS honest idealists who understood that their cause had come to an end, and the chameleons, who sooner or later would explode onto the Albanian political scene. Thus, today’s PS constitutes a unique and solid camp whose sole main aim is to protect itself from history’s judgment for the crimes of four decades. And although it is known that democracy is as generous as Christ himself, still the communist- seems to have failed from its very first steps. Or, in other words, it is disoriented in the historical course of society. For example, from their political platforms you hear blunders such as “you are back in December,” or “we need another revolution,” and so on. This is more comical than anything else, since anyone with a sound mind who knows even a little about the laws governing the development of human society understands that a revolution does not happen because someone is in a bad mood, nor for someone’s ruined career. In this regard, we can refer to the anti-communist Democratic Revolution in Eastern Europe, which erupted after a 50-year build-up. Similar reasons also fueled the Democratic Revolution in Albania, but for politicians out of step with their time, neither time nor history matters; for them, everything proceeds according to the laws of the café, where appetite strikes three times a day, and where states and governments are overturned like whiskey glasses. So, what will happen next? We can tell you now. After a political excursion, the great politicians will return to the café, saying that this, too, turns out to be something that cannot be done.

On the occasion of the approval the day before yesterday by the People’s Assembly of the draft law “On certain additions to Law No. 7660 dated 14.1.1993,” “On certain amendments to Law No. 7514 dated 30.9.1991, ‘On the exoneration, amnesty and rehabilitation of former political prisoners and persecuted persons’” The injustices in the trials and sentences handed down during the 50-year dictatorship were so great that, naturally, a single law could not resolve everything. Our practical experience has often proved this. As a result of Law 7660, approved by the People’s Assembly on 14.1.1993, some former political prisoners received compensation and pensions, but many others—perhaps even more severely victimized, including people declared Martyrs of Democracy—did not benefit, because they came under this or that specific law, which the above-mentioned law did not resolve. It was therefore necessary to define analytically and exhaustively what should be considered a “crime against the people”: a) Have they sheltered or hidden war criminals? But who are these criminals? Most were former political prisoners, patriotic nationalists and democrats whom, after the Mukje Conference, the communist witch-hunt seized. The absurdity was that although they might have been exonerated and received the compensation due to them, they had not benefited because they had also done everything to shelter them”… b) Have they hidden items essential to the people… etc. But who had determined this necessity? “Whose things were they?” So had they been sentenced for hiding their own belongings from others? … It was therefore necessary to add such a provision to the law in question—something not only necessary but also indispensable and urgent, so urgent that it could not wait even for the forthcoming statute for the politically persecuted and convicted, which is currently being prepared and will be issued soon. Under this addition, a special article specified the laws under which people had been sentenced for political crimes: Laws 21, 41, 372 and Articles 5 and 6 of Law 373; a second paragraph also included all those accused of political crimes and confined in psychiatric institutions for “treatment”… for “compulsory treatment”… But what did these laws contain? Let us refer, by way of illustration, to Law 21, which dates to 1944, under which most were convicted as “enemies,” prejudice and disinformation. Can one speak this way of a constructive opposition? Those proclaimed Martyrs of Democracy did not benefit because they were covered by this or that specific law, which the aforementioned flawed law did not resolve. It was therefore essential to define analytically and exhaustively what should be called a political crime and who should be considered convicted of such a crime; in other words, to clearly specify which laws the military courts had used to hand down political sentences during b) They hid things that were essential to the people... etc. But who had determined that they were essential? And whose things were they? So they had been sentenced for hiding their own property so that others would not steal it from them!!... (Continued on page 4)

Those who sullied the December Revolution, those who toyed with democracy’s shining popular image, such as Çeka, Çupi, etc., decided to split up once again. But what slogans do they have on their lips? Long live democracy! Where does their most developed foundation lie? In the image of the December mentioned above. What do they do in their platforms? Let’s build another democracy… But for whom? For the people, of course, isn’t it? And with what? With long coffee breaks, of course, with pathetic words and free trips abroad. What circumstances drove the Alliance to split in two? They say it was an internal struggle stemming from the tumble it took over several months in Albania’s political arena. It remained a cabinet party, a party of murky details and major failures. A far-left extreme made up of denunciators, careerists and informers in political and social disgrace. The first step toward a new split came from the dissatisfaction of the PAD careerists, ever since the election, when the posts were divided up. The poor careerists capitulated. In the face of Çeka-Majko’s blessed fist, they were seeking another initiative, or another… [unclear]. In this situation, the Alliance’s sworn circles rallied around the Çupi-Çeka duo. More importantly, the Alliance failed to establish its own branches and could not even gather anyone around itself. Indeed, many of the 350 signatures that had been collected for its creation have abandoned it. We, while electrifying the Albanian [text ends] would find nothing in this party’s preliminary program. But what does Nisma put forward? In fact, nothing other than the theses of the Alliance, shaped by the political theory of Enver Hoxha, R. Alia and F. Nano, specifically the theses concerning the “National Bloc.” Thus E. Hoxha called out in 1945, “Beware of Balli.” Thus R. Alia called out in 1990, “Beware, Balli will come to power.” Thus F. Nano shouts in 1993, “Down with Balli!” The leaders of the Alliance and the leaders of Nisma shout the same way. In reality, this is a common line intended to keep people divided and tensions alive, since no facts support this thesis. The problem is that even after 50 years, the “renewed” communists are trying to bury a political formation. This contradicts what these café-going leaders preach about freedom of thought, fair political competition, a European political vision, and so on. Here they are more communist than Enver and Fatos, more conservative than them. But they continue with Nisma’s political slogans, which, according to communist reasoning, still call “right-wing revanchism” the only danger in Albania, while extreme left-wing revanchism is never mentioned—a force that has repeatedly gained strength from the powerful support it receives. In fact, this conclusion essentially expresses the lack of serious analysis of the situation in Albania, specifically the political outlook of Nisma, which

Yesterday morning, at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Prime Minister Bashkim Kopliku and Foreign Minister Alfred Serreqi met with heads of the diplomatic corps accredited in Tirana. At the meeting, the Albanian deputy prime minister informed the ambassadors of the Council of Ministers’ decision in recent days, “On certain measures to accelerate the privatization of small and medium-sized enterprises.” Afterwards, Minister Serreqi, referring to President Berisha in personal terms and to the plan he announced in Korçë for resolving the Kosovo issue, pointed out the circumstances and specific features of Albanian reality that shape our foreign policy. (ATSH)

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