After nearly nine months of imprisonment of Socialist Party Chairman Fatos Nano, this issue has now become a true Gordian knot of all political and social life in Albania. Embodied in it are everything from fundamental human rights and freedoms to the political rights of the opposition and the fate of democracy and pluralism in Albania. In the Nano case, we find fused together political intolerance, revanchist arrogance, the dependence of state and judicial bodies on the political power of one party, the strengthening of personal power, political crime, lies and public image, disinformation and manipulation. The Nano case has now also become a matter of the very existence of a strong opposition, of dignity and of freedom. Different alternatives for the country’s development are set apart in it, where revenge is opposed to tolerance, democracy to chieftainism, culture to ignorance, modernity to primitivism. Today it is clear to everyone that the Nano case does not exist as a criminal case. Its fabrication is a true boomerang for the Democratic Party. Those who fabricated this case hoped for a great deal from its effect, both abroad and at home. First and foremost, they wanted and sought to bring about a split in the Socialist Party, the largest and strongest opposition force in Albania, and at the same time portray it to international public opinion as an old, regressive and compromised force. In both respects they suffered a complete defeat. The Socialists trusted their party chairman not out of sentiment, nor because they are blinded. They trusted him because, some more and some less, each had felt the anti-democratic pressure that the power of the Democratic Party exerted on them. They were the first to experience political purges and dismissal from work because of their beliefs. They saw how the DP tried to narrow their sphere of political and economic activity. They felt a new class war taking shape. They saw how the DP manipulated the official and national mass-information media, how ATSH and RTVSH became one-colour, armoured against the opposition and alternative opinion. They saw state bodies being used against them, from the State Audit Office and the financial police to the organs of coercion. For all these reasons and many others, the Socialists trusted their Party Chairman. And with them, a large mass of the people, drawing closer to the Socialists with every passing day. And if this large mass of people may not properly understand the court’s terminology concerning indirect appropriation through abuse of office, they understand very well and realistically feel that the harsher life becomes for their families, the more propaganda against Fatos Nano intensifies. They also saw how many enterprises were privatized through the famous DP boards, which tomorrow will be called boards of plunder. They realistically feel social insecurity, the seizure of property, the alienation of hopes and the casting aside of promises, rising prices and lies about compromises. They saw Parliament shut down for them, how the day was transformed and some others weakened. How peasants, returned to the conditions before the Second World War, the essentialists without hope of work, the hunger strikers in Kukës, the unemployed citizens of Follinat, and the expelled and scorned emigrants understand that something is wrong, since their lives are not what they should be. And yet they also hear the official propaganda saying that they are the most successful in Europe and the world, propaganda mixed with Nano’s “corruption”; then they do not believe the latter either. And then many more people understood that the imprisonment of Fatos Nano and the judicial farce against him is also the imprisonment of the Socialist Party chairman and political and economic alienation. also the imprisonment of the Socialist Party chairman and of political and economic alienation. for them, and some others weakened. An attempt to condemn the alternative he represents. Day by day, throughout these nine months, Fatos Nano’s supporters and comrades grew in number. Day by day, the Nano case filled newspaper pages in a marked evolution, with reports and commentary addressing the political persecution of the Socialist Party chairman. We find this written even in the government newspapers, whose language has been stripped of the court’s legal themes and which reveal part of the truth about the reasons for Fatos Nano’s persecution and imprisonment and his condemnation at any cost. Real journalists felt firsthand what press freedom means in a one-party state. They have also seen the press law, a mere formality, trampled underfoot when the powerful and those in power are touched by the publication of the truth. They experienced the dependence of prosecutors, investigators and courts on political power. They themselves have tried the handcuffs and prison cells. Then they understand more clearly why the Socialist Party chairman Fatos Nano is persecuted, imprisoned and sentenced. So too the veterans, who have felt it since the breaking of plaques, the removal of 29 November and the attacks on 5 May. And so too students, pupils, civil servants and others. The Nano case now encompasses and brings together all of these things. It is no longer an issue of the Socialist Party alone, but of democracy itself and pluralist life in Albania. It demands a solution that will also resolve many other matters and set a truly democratic life on its course. In two days, another Albanian court, the Court of Appeal, will examine the Nano case again. There is little hope that it will untie this knot in the only way that is proper for resolving a Gordian knot. And then there will be even more comrades and supporters. And then the knot will be untied. THOMA GJELLICI GJELLCI The crisis also has a political dimension. The country is suffering from a crisis of institutions, governmental ineptitude, and nepotism. The consequences for the country’s political life are reflected in relations between the government and the opposition. The opposition is branded as destructive, “our enemies.” This struggle often takes on undesirable dimensions, as happened with the arrest, investigation, and sentencing of Party Chairman and MP Fatos Nano. By now, we are all convinced that F. Nano is politically persecuted and that the campaign against him is an attempt to sideline him. In response to the question of how he commented on the President’s statement when he said, “I don’t understand the Socialists when they are serious about their demand—” (Continued on page 2)

TEPELENË: THE COUNTRY CAN EMERGE FROM THE CRISIS WITH WELL-CONSIDERED SOLUTIONS, NOT EUFORIA SERVET PELLUMBI: - We are convinced that FATOS NANO is being politically persecuted - The sooner the way is cleared for elections, the better it is for democracy As part of the implementation of the tasks set by the Second National Conference and the Party election campaign, these days comrade Servet Pëllumbi, Deputy Chairman of the Socialist Party, was among the members and sympathizers of this Party in the Tepelenë district. “I came to Tepelenë,” Dr. Pëllumbi said, “not only for the new Party election campaign, but also to meet and talk with you about the country’s needs, the progress of reforms and the building of a truly democratic society, to which Albanians are seriously committed.” He then continued: “The PS’s view is that the country is in a deep and prolonged crisis, from which it cannot emerge through euphoria and propaganda noise, but through well-considered programs and capable governance. Today’s crisis has economic, political and social dimensions. The sparse statistics point not to growth, but to a decline in production, mass unemployment and extreme impoverishment of people. Industrial production accounts for only 14 percent of national output; unemployment reaches 35–40 percent of the workforce; external debt stands at 1.3 billion dollars, up from 370 million in 1992. The country lives on remittances from refugees and the circulation of foreign goods, instead of reviving domestic production and investment. The crisis also has a political aspect. The country suffers from a crisis of institutions, governing incapacity and nepotism. Relations between the government and the opposition have consequences for the country’s political life. The opposition is labelled ‘destructive’, ‘our enemies’. This struggle often assumes unfathomable proportions, as happened with the arrest, investigation and trial of Socialist Party Chairman Fatos Nano. We saw it as a political manoeuvre to strike at the opposition, which is demanding more, and in Albania to deprive it of the right to demand more. Despite the President’s boasts, this crisis is also reflected in the present governing coalition. The PR and PSD have long been complaining, while discussions and criticism are also plentiful. Likewise, the crisis of identity within the PD itself, split into factions, the spiritual crisis and mass disillusionment over unfulfilled promises also point to a deep and prolonged crisis, for overcoming which the PS presented its alternative at the Second National Conference.” Comrade Servet then discussed the PS’s objectives for foreign policy, relations with neighbouring countries and regional cooperation, further progress towards Eastern Europe, and the need to strengthen and further invigorate the Party’s life and activities. The meeting then continued with questions and answers. Asked, “How does the PS assess our government’s meetings with war criminals, the commemorations, statements, etc.?” comrade Servet replied: “There are things from the past that need to be put right. We must clearly distinguish merit from collaboration with the occupier, which everywhere in civilized Europe is regarded as such. The PS has long positioned itself in defence of the National Liberation War, the most glorious epic of our people, which brought us into the anti-fascist coalition, where many sacrifices and contributions were made and much blood was shed, but which placed us on the side of the victors. You and the generations to come here will be proud of them. Tepelena has its place. It has defended and will defend its heroes and martyrs. The homeland, museums, busts and memorials—all the symbols of our national pride.”

Coca-Cola production begins in Tirana at the new plant run by Coca-Cola Botting Enterprise Tiranë, a Joint Venture in which the largest shareholder is the Italian Busi group. The «Coca-Cola» production plant has been built near Tirana, about 5 km away, alongside the main road linking the capital with the port city of Durrës. The value of the investments made is 9.5 million dollars, with «Busi Group ACIE» holding the largest share of the capital. «Coca-Cola-Company», headquartered in Atlanta; the Albanian side owns the land and 6 percent of the capital, and financing provided by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development has also been used. A long period had to pass, and an entire political-economic system had to change, before this plant could be built on an area of 42,000 m2, in a record 80 days by the Babini company of Sassari, in cooperation with other Albanian companies. Its production will now ... (Continued on page 4)

IN THE PEOPLE’S ASSEMBLY Mr. Arbnori began Thursday afternoon’s session with these words. He then went on to say that Parliament had worked for only one hour this week. Although the plan was to discuss the law on the legal profession, the deputies were presented with this agenda: an interpellation with the Prime Minister on the problems of Kukës, an interpellation with Minister Strati, and an amendment to the law on the state budget. In the morning Parliament did not sit because the DP deputies were going to enjoy Coca Cola during its inauguration days. In his usual style, Prime Minister Meksi offered all sorts of excuses for why the problem of Kukës had been allowed to reach the point where it became major news. He mentioned several times that this was an old problem, but that, according to him, the government hoped to set it on the road to a solution soon. By “soon,” Meksi means “within a few months.” Aware that problems have accumulated in many other regions too and that the same thing could happen there as in Kukës, Meksi said that the problems of every area would be resolved through dialogue, within the government’s means. In his speech, the Albanian prime minister accepted no responsibility of any kind for himself or for the government he heads. When deputy Ulqini, on behalf of the Socialist group, tried to analyze the causes that led to the events in Kukës, Arbnori interrupted him several times, telling him he was going off topic. He always does this when speakers do not talk in a way that pleases him and his party. During this time, noise and confusion arose in Parliament. This forced Arbnori to tell the deputies: “You can shout as much as you like to make headlines, gentlemen, but to speak you must have permission!” After Ulqini, Meksi rose again and, pretending to be angry, declared that the Kukës strike had nothing whatsoever to do with the increase in electricity prices. After Meksi, Sereq took the podium! This gentleman spoke for no more than a minute. He merely announced that the ambassador of the Albanian state (which Arbnori called the democratic state and a stronghold) in Sweden had been dismissed from his post. We remind you that some time ago an article was published in an Albanian group [sic], stating that the Albanian ambassador to Sweden had requested political asylum for a friend of his. This was categorically denied by the Foreign Ministry spokesperson, who had earlier also denied the scandal involving an Albanian citizen and this Albanian diplomat, who were said to have performed oral sex! Deputy Perikli Teta demanded that, just as the ambassador had been dismissed, the lying spokesperson should also be dismissed. Deputy Arben Imami called the scandals involving our diplomats around the world shameful events. “We are dissatisfied that they are bringing shame on Albania; as for the kind of politicians and political diplomats these people make, ...” he said. Imami mocked the Foreign Ministry’s work in selecting personnel, saying that to appoint an ordinary person they have to put him through seven sieves; imagine, then, how ambassadors are selected. (Continued on page 4)

Election campaign or... market economy? The Zall Heri Commune, which will vote for its commune head on the 29th of this month, has had many visitors in recent days. The people in these villages had the good fortune to meet and see up close parliamentarians and government officials such as Tomor Malasani, Ylli Vjesiu, Dylber Vrionin, Dashamir Gjevri and others. But at the same time, the mandates of three latest-model “Lulkos” [unclear] are taking these gentlemen to places they never thought they would go. What has caught the villagers’ attention is the new method of work these officials are applying in this election campaign. And what is it?! These gentlemen are used to being welcomed by crowds holding two fingers up and shouting “Freedom-Democracy,” but, unfortunately, that is no longer happening. They are welcomed by the two or three DP supporters still left in these villages, who, after seating and calming them in some clubs, recommend that they visit households. People rightly ask: who was at so-and-so’s house yesterday, why had he come, did he bring anything with him or not? The speculative answers vary widely. Some say they came and bought coffee themselves; elsewhere it is said they promised bank loans; in some cases it is said plainly that the gentlemen left upset by the concerns expressed—that the DP’s image has greatly weakened and that this election is close to the PS. But these are not the only things the residents discuss about this election campaign. The officials have their minds elsewhere. They are trying to win over the peasants with a sack of bread, but are selling it as [unclear] near the goods shops and the large water [unclear]. Mr. Tasho’s departure from this post had apparently been in the making since the gentlemen’s words failed to establish a social-liberal state, but the satisfaction of the factor through promises and donations made in the country of many thousands of ... (Continued on page 2) ... down to the remote village of Radheh, 50 kg of flour per family are being given as a gift from the DP on the eve of the elections. He has promised the same to other villages, and the aid trucks accompanied by them are expected to continue going to other villages as well. As they went down, Mr. Vjesiu and the others wanted to take a shortcut to Zall Herr. There they asked some villagers, who told them: “We started building the road you promised us when you came to power ourselves, because you didn’t even remember the promises you had made.” Yet despite this, the gentlemen still managed to promise that they would build the road for them by the 29th. God willing, these elections, which as can be seen have put the DP in a very difficult position, will become the reason this road is built. It is only 4 km long and would connect the residents of the villages of Qenam and Kallmet with the main road. As can be seen, the DP’s election propaganda in this commune will soon resort to its familiar methods, because it has plenty of experience in this. Promises of roads, water supply, emigration, new telephone lines, bridges, medical centres, aid, etc. Surely people, now accustomed to these slogans, will no longer be deceived by them. They are not convinced “by words,” nor by a sack of flour or two packets of biscuits; they want guarantees and seriousness in governance and in resolving their problems. Will the officials manage to keep the DP in power, or will they come up with some new method to snatch the vote in the election for the DP—eh? For a sack of flour, to vote for it again? VEZHGUESI

In April, US President Bill Clinton announced his intention to appoint Mr. Joseph Edward Lake ambassador to Albania. The United States of America and Albania established diplomatic relations in 1991, while the first and current American ambassador is William Rayerson. During his successful career, which began in the foreign service in 1962, Ambassador Lake has served in Taiwan, Bern, Nigeria, Bulgaria and Mongolia. Ambassador Lake has been employed by the US Department of State; from 1969 to 1993 he was in the position of US deputy in Mongolia. In January 1993, the US Department of State appointed Lake to his first ambassadorial mission, assigning him as United States ambassador to Mongolia for 13 years. He received a certificate of appreciation. In wishing Ambassador Lake well in his work leading the embassy in Mongolia, the Department of State praised him for “outstanding work under exceptionally difficult conditions.” Before being appointed ambassador to Mongolia, Ambassador Lake was Director of the Operations Center at the Department of State, where he worked on preparing books for the United States and other departments in Washington during the last two years of President Regan’s administration, and became director during President Bush’s administration. Before taking up his new post in Albania, Ambassador Lake’s nomination must be confirmed by the US Senate. Abridged from the newspaper «Rilindja», dated 10 May 1994

…not even two months have passed since the head of the state commune for Korçë was dismissed, and in the evening the word reached our ears this time about the head of the financial police, Mr. Tasho Joandhi, Blerim Çela’s first cousin, one of the two—a kind of reprimand from Petrit Kila. It is truly surprising, astonishing, how this happened to these two distinguished men from powerful families, officials who have always been devoted, selflessly, to the struggle to break away from red corruption. All the more so when, especially in Mr. Joandhi’s work, there was no shortage of praise, including in the pages of RD, where apologetic articles bearing Anila Bekta’s signature were regularly refreshed—though whose they were was Petraq Kila. Evidence of Mr. Tasho’s dedication is the high assessment the district privatization [authority] gave his work, appointing him as the legal director of the well-known brandy factory. Mr. Tasho’s removal from this post came as such a surprise that the gentlemen did not manage to empty out the lofty comfort the government had provided them, nor the savings they had accumulated in a place much used by them to… (Continued on page 2)

IN THE PEOPLE’S ASSEMBLY